巴塞罗那公共交通系统的工人自治，1936-1939

翻译自https://www.workerscontrol.net/authors/worker-management-barcelona-public-transit-system-1936-1939，作者Tom Wetzel

The history of worker management of Barcelona's transit system during the revolution and civil war is an illustration of the ability of workers to directly manage the industries where they work.

在革命和内战期间，巴塞罗那公共交通的系统的工人自治展示了工人直接管理他们所工作的产业的能力。

In the years leading up to the revolution in Spain in 1936 there had been bitter struggles of the workers...such as the long but defeated streetcar strike in 1935. A number of leading activists in that strike were sent to prison. With the victory of the liberals and social-democrats in Spain's national elections in February 1936, imprisoned unionists were freed, and the workers on the Barcelona transit system began rebuilding their union, which was to play an important role in the city during the revolutionary events of 1936.

在1936年西班牙革命前的几年里，工人们进行了艰苦的斗争，例如坚持很久但以失败告终的1935年电车罢工。罢工中的一些主要的活动人士被送进了监狱。随着1936年2月西班牙全国大选中自由派和社民主义者的胜利，被囚禁的工会成员获释，巴塞罗那公交系统的工人也开始重建他们的工会，后者在1936年革命时在城市中发挥了重要作用。

In Barcelona in 1936 the main part of the transit system was a large streetcar system, operated by Barcelona Tramways (Tranvias de Barcelona), a company owned mainly by Belgian investors. The streetcar company operated 60 routes that criss-crossed the city and ran into the nearby suburbs. Of the 7,000 workers for this company in 1936, 6,500 belonged to the Transport Union of the National Confederation of Labor, known by its Spanish initials as the CNT. The CNT was a libertarian syndicalist labor organization. The Transport Union was a highly democratic organization, run through worker assemblies (general meetings) and councils of elected shop stewards (delegados). Being syndicalist means that the union was part of a revolutionary social movement that aimed to have the workers take over direct, collective management of the industries, replacing the bosses and the capitalist investors, and creating an economy based on ownership of industry by the whole society.

1936年的巴塞罗那公交系统主要由一个大型电车系统组成，该系统由主要由比利时投资商掌控的巴塞罗那电车公司（Tranvias de Barcelona）运营。这家电车公司运营着60条在城市中纵横交错，一直通向附近的郊区的线路。1936年在这家公司工作的7000名工人中，有6500名全国劳工联合会（Confederación Nacional del Trabajo，CNT）下属运输工会的成员。CNT是一个自由意志工团主义的劳工组织。运输工会是一个高度民主的组织，由工人全体大会和选举产生的工会代表（delegados）委员会运营。工团主义者认为工会是社会革命运动的一部分，其目的在于让工人对产业行使直接集体管理，取代老板和投资者，并建立以产业被全社会所拥有为基础的经济形式。

In response to the mass mobilization and strikes of the Spanish workers, the heads of Spain's army, with direct support of the country's capitalist elite, attempted to overthrow the liberal government, beginning July 19 1936, so as to crush the country's radical labor movement. Union defense groups fought back with the support of much of the rank and file of the police, defeating the army in two thirds of the country initially. The worker unions then formed their own "People's Army" to fight the fascist Spanish army. In the days following the defeat of the army in Barcelona, the unions moved to expropriate most of the country's industry and new organizations of direct worker management were created.

作为对西班牙工人的大规模集会和罢工的回应，西班牙的军队头目在资产阶级精英的直接支持下，从1936年7月19日开始，企图推翻自由派政府，以粉碎国内的激进工人运动。工会防御小组在许多普通警察的支持下进行反击，起初在全国三分之二的地区击退了军队。工会随后建立了自己的人民军来对抗法西斯西班牙军队。在军队在巴塞罗那被打败后的几天里，工会采取行动没收了全国大部分产业，并建立了新的由工人进行直接管理的组织。

The workers of the Transport Union participated in the fighting. They seized an armored car that the company used to haul streetcar fares and deployed it as an armored car in the fighting with the army.

运输工会的工人们参与了战斗。 他们夺取了公司用于运输电车票款的一辆运钞车，并将其作为装甲车投入到与军队的战斗中。

On July 20th an armed group from the CNT transport union discovered that the top management of Barcelona Tramways had fled. A mass meeting of the transit workers was held the following day and the assembly voted overwhelmingly to expropriate the transit companies in the name of the people. Three private bus companies, two funiculars, and the Metropolitan Railway (subway) were taken over along with the streetcar company.

6月20日一支CNT运输工会的武装小组发现巴塞罗那电车公司的高层管理人员已经逃走了。次日公交工人举行了群众大会，以压倒性优势通过了以人民的名义没收所有公交公司的决定。三家私人公共汽车公司，两家地面缆车公司，大都会铁路公司（地铁）和有轨电车公司都被接管了。

The streetcar system had been badly mauled in the street fighting — tracks were damaged, overhead wires were knocked down in places, equipment boxes were shot up, and streetcar tracks were blocked by barricades. Working night and day, the transit workers got the streetcar network working within five days. Over time the streetcars were repainted in the diagonally divided red and black paint scheme of the syndicalist movement (photo below). Prior to July 19th, equipment boxes of the electric power company in the middle of streets made it necessary for Barcelona streetcars to negotiate tight curves around them; this had been a source of derailments. After the union takeover, the workers arranged with the worker-run public utility federation to relocate the electric power equipment so that the tracks could be straightened out. Under private management, the private electric utility had built power boxes in the middle of the street and streetcar tracks were curved around them. Workers arranged to move these power boxes to the sidewalk. On a number of lines center line poles in the street had been used for suspension of the overhead wire and these were replaced with crossspans from poles on the sidewalk, as this was considered safer.

有轨电车系统在街道上的战斗中被严重破坏了——轨道被损坏，一些地方的高架电缆被撞倒，设备箱被射毁，电车轨道被街垒阻挡。公交工人们昼夜不停工作，只用五天就恢复了电车网线的运作。随着时间推移，电车的颜色被重新喷涂成了代表工团主义运动的，以对角线分割的红色与黑色。在7月19日之前，电力公司的设备箱在街道中间，巴塞罗那的电车必须绕着它们拐急弯；这导致了一系列脱轨事故。工会接管后，公交工人们与工人运营的公用事业联合会设法迁移了电力设备，电车轨道得以疏通。在私人管理下，私人电力公司将配电箱建在街道中间，电车轨道也在其周围绕行。工人们设法将这些配电箱移动到了人行道上。在一些电车线路上，街道中心线上的电线杆被用于悬挂高架电缆，这些电缆被改到人行道上的电线杆上，因为人们认为这样更安全。

The various modes — buses, subway, streetcars — were separate union "sections", as were the repair depots. These all were managed through elected committees, answerable to assemblies of the workers. An engineer was elected to each administrative committee, to facilitate consultation between manual workers and engineers. There was an overall assembly for decisions that affected the transit-system as a whole. There was no top manager or executive director. A 7-member elected worker committee was responsible for overall coordination.

各种交通工具，如公交车、地铁、有轨电车，都由独立的工会支部运营，修理厂也是如此。他们都通过由选举产生的，对工人大会负责的委员会进行管理。每个管理委员会都选出一名工程师，以协助体力劳动者和工程师进行协商。对于影响运输系统整体的决定，由全体大会进行讨论。 没有高管或是执行董事。一个由选举产生的七人工人委员会负责总体的协调。

Barcelona Tramways had operated with a fare zone system which meant that it cost more for people in the outer working class suburbs to get into the city center. The worker-run transit operation switched to a flat fare throughout the metropolitan area, to equalize fare costs to riders. Despite this lowering of the fare, the worker-run transit system operated at a profit. A sizeable part of this profit was donated to the anti-fascist war effort. Workers also donated their time on Sundays to work in factories set up in transit system workshops to make munitions for the People's Army.

巴塞罗那电车公司过去实行票价区间制，这意味着住在多由工人阶级居住的郊区的人想进入市中心就要花更多的钱。工人自治的公交系统在整个都会区改用统一票价，以均衡乘客的车费。尽管这种做法降低了车费，工人自治的公交系统还是能够盈利。这些收入中可观的一部分被用于支援反法西斯战争。此外，工人们自愿献出星期日的时间，在设立在公交系统车间的工厂中为人民军生产弹药。

A large amount of French and American machine tools were purchased, to make the transit operation largely self-sufficient in spare parts. This included an automated American machine tool that could make multiple copies of identical parts — the only machine of its kind in Spain. A furnace for melting down used bearings was acquired. The new equipment meant that the system had an enhanced ability to build its own streetcars. Before the revolution, the private company had only made about 2 percent of the repairs through its own workshops and were set up only to deal with the most urgent repairs. But within a year under workers management, the workshops were manufacturing 98 percent of the parts used. They were able to do this and still make a profit, despite a 150 percent increase in prices of raw materials.

购买了大量法国和美国的机床，使公交系统很大程度上实现了零部件的自给自足。这包括一台可以制作多份相同零件的美国自动机床——西班牙唯一的同类机器。获取了一台用于熔化废旧轴承的熔炉。新的设备意味着该体系自主生产电车的能力增强了。在革命前，这家私有企业只能通过其车间进行2%左右的修理，并且仅仅用于处理紧急情况。但在工人自治的一年内，98%的零部件都由车间生产了。即使原材料的价格已经上涨了150%，他们还是能如此运作，并从中获利。

The CNT transport union entered into an arrangement with the new CNT health workers union to ensure free medical care for transit workers and their families. The health workers union was set up to take over the hospitals and create a network of free clinics as part of a new socialized health care system in Spain, created on the initiative of people working in health care. The agreement between the public transit collective and the health care federation involved direct payments for services for workers and their families. This included access to a health clinic that had previously only been available to the rich.

CNT运输工会和新成立的CNT医护工作者工会签订了协议，以确保公交工人及其家属能获得免费医疗保障医护工作者工会应医疗卫生从业者的要求而建立，其目的为接管医院及建立免费诊所网络，这是西班牙新的社会化医疗系统的一部分。公共交通合作社和医务工作者联合会的协议涉及对工人及其家人的服务报酬的直接支付。这包括进入一所以前仅对富人开放的诊所的权利。

Due to war-time restrictions on automobile travel and increased employment in war industries, ridership increased by 62 percent the first year on the worker-managed transit network. It was not possible to obtain new streetcars. To accommodate the increased ridership, the workers redesigned the layout of the maintenance facility, to reduce the downtime for streetcars during routine maintenance. A number of junked streetcars were rebuilt and put back into service. New, light-weight cars were built for the two funiculars.

由于战时对机动车出行的限制以及军工行业就业人数的增加，工人自治的公交网络第一年的乘客量增加了62%。没有办法获取新的电车。为了适应增加的乘客量，工人们重新设计了维护设施的布局，以减少电车例行维护造成的停工时间。一些废旧电车被修缮后重新投入使用。为两条地面缆车线路建造了新的轻型缆车。

In September-October 1936 there was an intense political fight between the syndicalists and the Communists over the worker-managed industries. The syndicalists wanted to create a socialized, democratically coordinated economy "from below," managed through worker and neighborhood assemblies, with plans developed for whole regions through congresses of delegates. The Communists were interested in rebuilding the power of the traditional bureaucratic state...with an aim to eventual state takeover of the economy. Thus the Communists were opposed to the syndicalists' plan for direct worker management of the economy, and aimed to create roadblocks. In this they were aided by the professional, small business and managerial classes who saw their class privileges slipping away. As the result of a major political struggle, the Generalitat — the regional government in Catalonia — issued a collectivization decree in October 1936 that required the expropriated industries to be re-organized as worker cooperatives.

1936年9月至10月，工团主义者和康米主义者针对工人自治产业问题爆发了激烈的政治斗争。 工团主义者希望自下而上地建立一种社会化的、民主协商的经济体制，由工人大会和社区大会管理，通过代表大会制定全地区的计划。康米主义者则意图重建一个传统的官僚国家，其目的是最终由国家接管经济。因此康米主义者反对工团主义者工人直接管理经济的计划，并意图制造障碍。在这一方面，他们接受了阶级特权受到威胁的专家、小商贩和管理阶层的帮助。作为一场重大政治斗争的结果，加泰罗尼亚地区政府（Generalitat）于1936年10月颁布了一项集体化法令，要求将被没收的产业重组为工人合作社。

After the passage of this decree, the transit network, which was being managed by the union, was re-organized as the United Public Service Collective, formally separate from the CNT union. In some sections of the collective where there was a UGT union — as on the subway. The UGT was a social-democratic union federation — more bureaucratic than the CNT, and allied with the Socialist and Communist parties. In sections of the collective where the UGT union had a presence, the UGT elected its own delegates to the administrative committees.

该法令通过后，由工会管理的公交网络被重组为联合公共服务合作社，正式从CNT工会中分离出来。在该合作社的一些部门，例如地铁，存在有UGT工会。UGT是一个社民主义工会联盟——比CNT更官僚主义，并与社会主义和康米主义政党结盟。在有UGT工会存在的合作社部门，UGT选举自己的代表参加管理委员会。

Before July 19th, the peones (track laborers) were the lowest paid workers and the skilled workers made 50 percent more. After the seizure of the industry, all workers other than the skilled workers received the same pay, and the skilled workers (such as machinists) received only 6 percent more. The workers volunteered on Sundays in workshops set up by the transit union to build war materials for the labor militia fighting the Spanish army. Also, showers and washup facilities were installed in all the workshops and depots...something that had never been done before.

在7月19日前，peones（养路工人）是收入最低的工人，而技术工人的收入要高出50%。在产业被夺取后，所有技术工人以外的工人收到同样多的工资，而技术工人（如机械师）仅多拿6%。工人自愿在星期天在公交工会设立的车间中为与西班牙军队作战的工人民兵生产战争资料。此外，在所有车间和仓库设立了淋浴和卫生设施——这是以前从未有过的事情。

Issues of worker discipline were dealt with by the worker assemblies. There were a few cases of workers showing up drunk for work. In these cases typically the worker would be suspended for a time and the man's pay would be handed over to his wife (if he was married).

工人纪律问题由工人大会处理。有几次工人上班时喝醉了。在这种情况下，工人通常会被暂时停职，他的工资会被移交给他的妻子（如果他已婚）。

Because of recruitment of workers to the "People's Army" fighting the fascist military, the worker-managed transit system also had to contend with a labor shortage. This led to a decision to hire women for the first time to do work on the transit system. But this soon led to another problem for the libertarian syndicalist movement, not only in public transit but in other industries as well.

由于工人被征募到了与法西斯军队作战的人民军中，工人自治的公交系统也不得不应对劳动力短缺的问题。这促成了首次在公交系统中招募女性的决定。然而这很快就给自由意志工团主义运动带来了另一个问题，不仅仅在公交系统中，在其他行业也一样。

The Anti-fascist Women’s Association (Asociación de Mujeres Anti-fascistas — AMA) was organizing among the women working in industry. The AMA was a “transmission belt” of the Communist Party. With the AMA gaining influence in industries, the syndicalist activists of the CNT feared that women would be recruited to the UGT unions. This would also bolster the influence of the Communists in industry. The libertarian CNT unions could be pushed aside.

反法西斯妇女协会（Asociación de Mujeres Anti-fascistas — AMA）在女工中组织起来。AMA是西共的传声筒。随着AMA在各行业中的影响力越来越大，CNT的工团主义活动家担心妇女们会加入UGT的工会。这也会加强西共在业界的影响力。自由意志的CNT工会可能会被排挤。

To counter this, the local unions of the CNT opened their union halls to Mujeres Libres (Free Women). During the revolution and civil war Mujeres Libres organized over 20,000 poor and working class women to be actively engaged in social issues and struggles and participate as the equals of men in unions and other organizations.

为了对此进行反制，CNT的地方工会将他们的工会大厅向Mujeres Libres（自由女性组织）开放。在革命和内战期间，自由女性组织组织了超过20000名贫困妇女和工人阶级女性积极参与社会问题和斗争，并以与男性同等的地位参加工会和其他组织。

The unions provided space for child care centers, women’s study groups, and literacy classes and apprenticeship programs for women. In collectivized factories, work would be stopped to allow activists from Mujeres Libres to give presentations. An industry where Mujeres Libres had a strong presence was public transit. Pura Pérez was a member of Mujeres Libres who was one of the first women to drive streetcars in Barcelona. According to Pérez, the men of the CNT transport union took women on “as apprentices, mechanics, and drivers, and really taught us what to do.” The CNT compañeros, Pérez recalled, “really got a kick out of” the amazed looks on the faces of passengers when they realized that a woman was at the controls of the streetcar. By the end of the civil war women were a very large part of the workforce on the Barcelona transit system.

工会为托儿中心、妇女学习小组、妇女扫盲班和学徒项目提供场地。在集体化的工厂中人们会停止工作以便自由女性组织的活动家进行演讲。自由妇女组织在公共交通行业占有重要地位。Pura Pérez是自由女性组织的成员，她是巴塞罗那首批女性电车驾驶员之一。据Pérez说，CNT运输工会的男性把女性当作学徒、机械师和司机，并真正教会了她们如何操作。Pérez回忆说，CNT的同志们“真的很享受”乘客在意识到电车是由女性操作时露出的惊讶的表情。截至内战结束，女性占据了巴塞罗那公交系统工作人员的很大一部分。