中世纪世界生活手册（十九）
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食 物
社会阶层与奢侈禁止令
极度奢华在当时被认为是对道德和社会秩序的破坏。异国情调的进口食品削弱了国内商业的发展力，破坏了国际收支平衡。奢侈还被指责为干涉个人灵魂与上帝的关系。为了打击英国社会各阶层的奢侈饮食，英国通过了一些奢侈禁止令(Sumptuary law)，尤其是在爱德华三世统治时期（1327-1377 年）。这些饮食和服饰法规规定了每餐的菜肴数量、菜肴份量、食物品种，甚至是酱汁的种类和成本。上层社会阶层可以吃的东西，下面的阶层就不能吃。教会内部也对饮食习惯进行了类似的分层。由于奢侈会给富人带来很多不便，而试图模仿他们的下等人也会因此变得非常贫穷，因此他们的灵魂和肉体都受到了同样严重的摧残。节制被列入了令人震惊的禁果清单。
Outrageous luxury was deemed destructive to morality and to social order. Exotic, imported foodstuffs diminished domestic commerce and upset international balances of payments. Luxury also was accused of interfering in the individual soul’s relationship to God. Against culinary extravagance at all levels of English society, sumptuary laws were passed, particularly during Edward III’s reign between 1327 and 1377. These statutes of diet and apparel regulated numbers of courses per meal, numbers of dishes within courses, varieties of foods, and even types and costs of their sauces. What was permissible for one social station was forbidden the class below. The church stratified eating habits similarly within ecclesiastical ranks. Since the rich were much inconvenienced by extravagance, and the lesser folk who attempted to imitate them were greatly impoverished thereby, equally deplorable evils attacked their souls as well as their bodies. Moderation was legislated in startling lists of forbidden fruits.
膳食服务也是按阶级划分的。社会等级决定了餐厅的优先次序。不仅是哪个阶层的人吃什么，而且谁和谁坐在哪张桌子上，以及给客人上菜的先后顺序，都由贵族家庭的元帅marshall（安排和指导聚会礼仪的人）或大厅总管严格控制。约翰·罗素（John Russell）的礼仪书《Boke of Nurture》（约成书于 1460 年）列举了五个社会阶层及其在餐桌上的细致分组。同等阶级的人可以一起吃同样的食物。有些人两人一组，共用一个盘子。其他人则四对四地坐着，以家庭为单位，单独用一个盘子。还有一些人不能与他们的同级或上级一起享用食物。
Food service also was stratified by class. Social class dictated precedence in the dining hall. Not only what was eaten by which class, but who sat with whom at which table, and in what social order guests were served, were scrupulously controlled by the noble household’s marshall or chief usher of the hall. John Russell’s etiquette book, Boke of Nurture, written circa 1460, enumerated the five social classes and their careful groupings at table. Equivalent classes could eat the same foods together. Some sat two by two and shared a plate. Others sat four by four and helped themselves from serving platters, family style. Still others were not to see the food served their equals or superiors.
第一等级的成员，教皇、皇帝、国王、红衣主教、王子、大主教和公爵，身份尊贵，可以单独进餐。第二等级的成员，主教、侯爵、子爵和伯爵，如果个人关系友好，可以坐在一起；如果他们情投意合，也可以坐在一起。第三等级的成员，伦敦市长、男爵、修道院院长、首席大法官和议会议长，可以坐在同等级别的位置上，两人或三人一桌（“mess”，根源是古法语 mes，“食物的一部分”（参见现代法语 mets），源自拉丁语动词mittere，意思是“发送”和“放置”（参见现代法语mettre），意义是“餐桌上的一道菜”）。第四个等级与骑士的等级相当，大教堂长、骑士学士、院长、卷宗主事人（全称卷宗保管及主事官和英格兰大法官法院记录官）、加莱市长、神学博士、首席检察官。第五级也是最后一级是乡绅级，包括法学博士、前伦敦市长、传教士、艺术大师、城市法警、富商、绅士和淑女，他们都可以和乡绅一起坐在桌边。
The first class, pope, emperor, king, cardinal, prince, archbishop, and duke, was of such dignity as to dine alone. The second class, bishop, marquis, viscount, and earl, might sit together if on friendly terms personally: yf they be lovyngely. The mayor of London, a baron, a mitered abbot, the chief justices, and the Speaker of Parliament—members of a third estate—could sit at an equivalent level, two or three at a table (“mess”). The fourth class equaled the knight’s rank: a cathedral prior, a knight-bachelor, a dean, the master of the rolls, the mayor of Calais, a doctor of divinity, a prothonotary. The fifth and last, the squire’s degree, including doctors of law, ex-mayors of London, preachers, masters of arts, city bailiffs, rich merchants, gentlemen and gentlewomen, could all sit at the table along with the squire.
就连穷人家的小康之家和非等级婚姻的社会窘境也在餐桌规则中有所规定。对于有王室血统的领主来说，他们的阶级在表中有规定。对于有王室血统的领主来说，虽然他们的财产不多，但与出身低微的富人相比，他们的原则是血统比金钱更重要。当王室出身的女士嫁给低贱的骑士或贫穷的女士嫁给贵族血统的领主时，王室出身的女士保持婚前的身份；而低贱血统的女士则与丈夫一起在餐桌上占据高位。
Even the social embarrassments of the wellborn poor man and the marriages out of class were provided for in table regulations. For lords of royal blood class were provided for in table regulations. For lords of royal blood though poor in goods versus rich low-born men the rule was blood eats better than money. When a lady royally born married a lowly knight or a poor lady married a lord of noble blood, the lady of royal station kept her state as before her marriage; the lady of low blood took with her husband his high seat at table.
神职人员的阶级根据其与世俗阶级的同等地位被安排在贵族区域就餐，而修道院则一般倾向于在饮食规则上拉平阶级差别。圣本尼迪克特规定的严格斋戒和节俭阻止了许多形式的等级饮食。不过，女修道院院长或男修道院长享有单独用餐的特权，可以享用特殊菜肴，也可以邀请院内成员共享盛宴。修道院长还会为同僚们分配额外的食物和酒，以纪念特定的恩人或圣人日，这些食物和酒被称为“pittances”（微不足道的报酬）。这些轻微的社会区别在饮食服务中被滥用，包括不守规矩的教士在社交座位上模仿世俗的饮食娱乐活动（节庆日的欢闹、粗俗的歌曲和滑稽戏）。
While classes of clergymen were accommodated in noble dining halls according to their parity with secular ranks, monastic houses generally tended to level class distinctions with food rules. Strict fasts and frugality as prescribed in the rule of Saint Benedict discouraged many forms of hieratic eating. However, an abbess or an abbot, privileged to eat alone and served special dishes, might invite members of the house to share feasts. Abbots also allocated to brethren those extra portions of food and wine honoring particular benefactors or saints’ days called pittances. Abuses of these mild social distinctions in food service included undisciplined clerics’ imitating secular food entertainments with their social seating (along with their feast-day hilarity, scurrilous songs, and burlesques).
1260 年，尤德主教访问蒙蒂維利耶的修女院时，禁止在餐区里以小组或小团体的形式用餐，并坚持要求所有人随意就座，吃同样的食物。本笃会修道士们要求在密室里为他们提供特殊的美味佳肴和漂亮的衣服而不是简单的口粮、习惯性地添加特殊的“pittances”（额外的食物和酒）以及优雅的餐桌用具，这促使教皇额我略九世颁布法规，规定他们的饮食习惯。他们的口粮是一碟一杯，不包括“pittances”（额外的食物和酒）。任何人都不得为自己准备更精致的食物或饮料，也不得提供超出常规的食物或饮料。禁止在餐区使用银杯、金杯、镶有贵金属带或以贵金属为底座的杯子，以及用金银装饰的刀具。
Bishop Eudes, visiting the nuns’ abbey of Monvilliers in 1260, forbade eating in the refectory in little groups or cliques and insisted that all take seats haphazardly and eat the same food. Benedictine monks demanding special dishes served to them in their cells, “appareled” delicacies rather than simple rations, habitual additions of the special pittances, and elegant table gear caused Pope Gregory IX to issue statutes to reform their food practices. Their ration was to consist of one dish and one cup, not including pittances. No one was to cause anything more delicate in food or drink to be prepared for him or served beyond usual fare. Silver or gold cups or those banded or based by precious metals were forbidden in the refectory, as were knives embellished with gold or silver.
这些教会和世俗试图通过限制食欲的表达来调节食欲的做法，可能并不比现代的禁酒令和禁食令更具执行力。中世纪英国的禁酒令，不管是被遵守还是被忽视，直到维多利亚女王时代才被废除。立法和文献证实了中世纪通过食物来识别社会阶层的做法。
These ecclesiastical and secular attempts to regulate appetite by restricting its expression probably were no more enforceable than more modern prohibitions on drink and food. Medieval English sumptuary laws, obeyed or ignored, were not repealed until Queen Victoria’s era. Legislation and literature confirm the medieval identification of social class by food.
乔叟谈食物
美食典故和烹饪行为描述了艺术、相术、法律和文学中的性格与个性。人们吃什么就代表了什么：吃什么、怎么吃、吃多少、什么时候吃，以及除了维持生存之外，他们还吃喝什么。食物显示了社会阶层、智力和情感状态，最重要的是，还显示了精神状态。幽默、悲怆和社会评论在餐桌和大口大口地进食中得以表达。中世纪的食物与社会阶层、食物与性、食物与排泄物、食物与巫术、食物与罪恶之间的联系，补充了食物与性格之间的关系。
Food allusions and culinary actions described character and personality in art, physiognomy, law, and literature. People were what they ate: what they ate, how they ate it, how much, when, and that, beyond subsistence, they ate and drank at all. Food references demonstrated social class, intellectual and emotional states, and, most importantly, spiritual condition. Humor, pathos, and social commentary were expressed in exercises of table and gullet. Complementing these relationships between food and character were medieval convergences between food and social class, food and sex, food and scatology, food and sorcery, and food and sin.
在浩如烟海的中世纪美食典故中，乔叟的《坎特伯雷故事集》是最好的资料来源之一。书中提到的几百种食物，从简短的提及到详尽的描述，包括盛宴、凯旋和婚礼、贵族晚宴、酒会，以及简陋的茅屋晚餐、忏悔餐、野果采摘和婚前服用春药。
In the vast repertoire of medieval gastronomic allusions, one of the finest sources is Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales. Its several hundred food references range from brief mentions to elaborate descriptions of feasts, triumphs, and nuptials; noble suppers; drinking parties; and humble cottage repasts, penance meals, wildfruit pickings, and precoital imbibing of aphrodisiacs.
饮食与特色
除了对所有朝圣者的社会地位、服饰和职业的描述，乔叟还补充了他们的饮食习惯。无论是对教会人物还是世俗人物，美食都体现了他们的社会地位和个人情感。一些人物从事饮食业。有些人的饮食习惯与他们的手艺一样，或节俭或浮夸。一些人则在前往坎特伯雷的途中大吃大喝。
To the descriptions of all the pilgrims’ social rank, costume, and profession, Chaucer added their food habits. For both the ecclesiastical and secular figures, gastronomy demonstrated social standing and personal sensibility. Several characters belonged to victualing trades. Some ate with the same frugal or ostentatious habits with which they practiced their crafts. Others gorged or soused their way to Canterbury.
修女、修士和召唤师的食物画像暗示了教士的习俗和虚伪。关于餐桌礼仪和用手指进食的繁琐仪式的描述很少，这突出了女修道院院长的礼仪。她的礼仪得到了礼仪手册和贵族指导书的证实。她是修道院修女的负责人，也是渴望模仿宫廷习惯的社会攀登者，为了“countrefete cheere of court”，她细腻、灵巧地将食物送到嘴边，小心翼翼地避免酒杯中的碎屑或油脂。她展示了宫廷习俗所要求的技巧，这种习俗蔑视叉子这种可接受的工具，并保证用手指进食可以延长食物的感官享受。富有、勤劳的猎人蒙克喜欢吃肥肉，他自己也是一个“肥胖而有品位”的贵族。他的言语中充满了对食物的比喻，对他来说，修士的统治就像拔毛的鸡一样不值钱；担心修士离开修道院就像担心一只牡蛎一样不值钱；召唤者在教会法庭上召唤罪人，他在食物的选择上显示了他的卑鄙，也暗示了他的性病；为了一夸脱葡萄酒，他允许一个无赖包养他的情妇一年；他的味觉因三级梅毒而减弱，“他是一个......嘶哑......好色如麻的人”，他只吃有异味和刺激性的大蒜、洋葱和韭菜，喝的酒特别烈，像血一样红。
Food portraits of the Nun, Monk, and Summoner intimated clerical customs and hypocrisies. Few descriptions of table manners and elaborate ceremony for eating with the fingers excel the Prioress’s etiquette. Her manners were corroborated by courtesy manuals and instruction books for the nobility. In charge of an abbey of nuns and a social climber eager to imitate courtly habits, to “countrefete cheere of court,” she delicately, dexterously lifted food to her lips, fastidiously avoiding crumbs or grease in her wine cup. She displayed the digital finesse required by that courtly custom that disdained forks as acceptable implements and assured sensual pleasure in food lengthened by eating with the fingers. The wealthy, hard-riding hunter Monk loved eating fat. He himself was a lord “ful fat and in good point.” His speech was larded with food analogy. For him monastic rule was worthless as a plucked chicken; worry about a monk out of a cloister was not worth an oyster. The Summoner, who hailed sinners to ecclesiastical court, demonstrated his venality and intimated his venereal disease by his food choices. For a quart of wine he allowed a rascal to keep his mistress for a year. His sense of taste diminished by tertiary syphilis, “saucefleem he was . . . hoot . . . and lecherous as a sparwe,” he ate only odoriferous and pungent garlic, onions, and leeks and drank especially strong wine, red as blood.
美食描绘了教会、城镇和宫廷中人类的缺点和弱点。尽管富兰克林并非宫廷出身，但他拥有高贵的土地和园艺，并享受着酒配面包的贵族式早餐。他的餐桌上摆满了美酒和精致的食物，就好像家里下了一场美食大雪。他是饕客、美食家，也是亲切的主人，他的餐桌华丽得可以代替血统。与此相反，乔叟的内科医生在饮食方面则恪守节制，没有多余的东西，一切都以营养和易消化为主。
Food references made exuberant portraits of human foibles and fallibility in the church and in the town and court. Though not born to the court, the Franklin was nobly landed and lardered and enjoyed lordly breakfasts of a sop of bread in wine. His dining table dormant was so well set with fine wines and daintily crafted foods that in his house it seemed to snow food and drink. Gourmand, epicure, and gracious host, he displayed table splendor that substituted for pedigree. Conversely, Chaucer’s Physician practiced dietary measure and restraint, nothing superfluous but everything nourishing and digestible.
朝圣之旅的专业厨师虽然又脏又丑，却懂得烤、焗、炙、煮等烹饪鸡肉、炖肉和馅饼的技巧，还能制作出人们熟悉的白色美食 blankmanger（“Blankmanger”的意思是“白色食物”。从古代食谱中出现的许多版本的食谱来看，大多数中世纪厨师可能至少熟悉这道菜。根据最严格的定义，Blankmanger 是一种以杏仁奶为基础的清淡白色浓汤，并且（除了少数版本）含有碎家禽，并用米粉增稠；标准的英式肉食版本是绞碎的阉鸡（或鸡肉）、米饭和杏仁奶。在一些食谱中，家禽被切成块，而不是磨碎。今天的现代牛奶冻是一种大米布丁甜点，深受英国人的喜爱，与中世纪的版本略有相似），令人钦佩。然而，他脸上的脓疱和疮疤是新贵行会成员盲目愚蠢的标志，他们雇用他是为了给他披上贵族的外衣。最后，前往坎特伯雷的朝圣者的东道主以酒和麦（芽）酒起誓，欢迎大家共进晚餐，为他们提供精美的食物和烈酒，并提出了讲故事的技巧。他在自己的客栈里提供免费晚餐，以奖励那些说出最有启发、最令人开心的故事的人。小酒馆比坎特伯雷的圣托马斯神殿更成为后来所有故事的建筑框架。
The pilgrimage’s professional Cook, though filthy and scabrous, knew techniques for roasting, baking, broiling, boiling, and otherwise preparing chickens, mortreux (stews), and pies, admirably creating the familiar white culinary treat blankmanger. However, his running pustules and facial sores were insignia of the blind folly of the nouveaux riches Guildsmen who employed him for a semblance of nobility. Finally, the Host to the pilgrims voyaging to Canterbury swore oaths on wine and ale, welcomed the sundry folk to supper, served them fine food and strong wine, and suggested the ruse for telling the tales. He offered free supper at his inn as a prize for that story that best instructed and best delighted. The tavern more than the shrine of Saint Thomas of Canterbury became the architectural frame for all the later tales.
食物与社会阶层
乔叟对厨房的描述是为了在美食中体现社会阶层的道德品质。在设施齐全、服务周到的贵族府邸，盛宴彰显着财富和政治力量。中产阶级的晚宴则模仿贵族的宴会，模仿高雅的礼仪。指导书籍告诫人们不要粗鲁地大吃大喝。乔叟也赞美乡村餐桌的简朴礼仪。《乡绅的故事》（杰弗里·乔叟的《坎特伯雷故事集》中的一个故事）中的一场宴会详细介绍了宴会的布置、华丽的服装、音乐和服务，以及实际的菜单和食物的装饰（称为“appareling”），让客人们震惊不已，大声赞叹奢侈的食物、炖菜、烤天鹅和鹭鸶以及外国珍馐，随后是美酒和香料，由管家、引座员和乡绅优雅地端上来。整个白天和夜晚，贵族和女士们都在品尝和享受着厨艺所带来的味蕾奇迹，厨师们为此付出了辛勤的劳动，贵族们也为此付出了高昂的代价。高雅的食物艺术将平凡变为华丽。
Chaucer described kitchens to give gastronomic distinction to the moral qualities of the social classes. In wellprovisioned, well-served noble houses, feasts demonstrated wealth and political might. Middle-class dinners aped noble banquets and imitated refined manners. Instruction books cautioned against rude guzzling and gorging. Chaucer celebrated also the simple decorum of the rural table. A banquet in “The Squire’s Tale” detailed setting, splendor of costume, music, and service along with the actual menus and the disguising of foods, called appareling, shocking the guests to marvel aloud at extravagant foods, stews, roast swans and herons, and foreign dainties followed by fine wines and spices elegantly served by stewards, ushers, and squires. Through the day and night lords and ladies drank and enjoyed marvels of culinary art for which cooks labored and noblemen paid dearly. Elegant artifice of food transformed the commonplace into the magnificent.
相比之下，农场的晚餐则显得庄重而简单，年迈的奶牛场女主人吃着简单的饭菜，她的畜栏里养着引人注目的公鸡“Chaunticleer”（一只骄傲而凶猛的公鸡，源自杰弗里·乔叟的《坎特伯雷故事集》）。贫穷的寡妇吃的是“清淡”的饭菜，没有辛辣的酱汁，也没有精致的小点心。她饮食节制，不喝红葡萄酒或白葡萄酒，但餐桌上的食物却是白的和黑的，有牛奶、黑面包、培根皮和一两个鸡蛋。必要的节制和强制的节制避免了餐桌上的骄傲腐蚀财富。
By contrast the farm dinner was dignified by simple fare, as the aging dairywoman ate, her barnyard home to the spectacular rooster Chaunticleer. The poor widow ate “slender” meals with no piquant sauces or dainty morsels. Temperate in diet, she drank no wines red or white but laid her table white and black, with milk, brown bread, a rind of bacon, and an egg or two. Necessary temperance and enforced moderation avoided the pride of table that corrupted the rich.
食物与性
其他的放纵则与食欲有关。乔叟通过中世纪的春药传说将食物和性联系起来。一位殷勤的情人为了吸引一位女士的注意，给她送去了上等蜂蜜酒、香料麦酒、茴香酒和热气腾腾的威化饼。热切的老情人在与年轻的新婚妻子上床之前，会在屋子里撒满香料，喝下鞭子泡酒、红葡萄酒和热草药酒，“以增加他的勇气”——这些都是中世纪性爱手册《De coitu》中推荐的刺激性能力的药物。同样，性感的妻子（杰弗里·乔叟所著《坎特伯雷故事集》的《巴斯之妻》）也建议用烈酒来刺激味觉和性欲，她说，好色的嘴会有好色的尾巴。当乔叟描述好色的召唤师“像麻雀一样火热好色”时，他不仅暗指这种英国鸟被称为性失禁，还暗指中世纪人认为吃煮熟的麻雀或麻雀蛋会刺激情欲。人们认为，由于麻雀的肉非常燥热，它的热量会让人变得淫荡。
Other indulgences are allied with appetite. Chaucer associates food and sex via medieval aphrodisiac lore. An importunate lover attempting to attract the attention of a lady sends her fine mead, spiced ale, pimento, and wafers piping hot. An eager old lover, before entering bed with his new young wife, strews the house with spices and drinks whipcords and claret and vermage of hot herbs “to increase his courage”—potions recommended for stimulating sexual qualities by the medieval sex manual De coitu. So too the sexy Wife of Bath suggests strong wine for stimulating the two appetites of taste and sexual sensation: A lecherous mouth, she says, has a lecherous tail. When Chaucer describes the lustful Summoner as “hot and lecherous as a sparrow” he alludes not only to the English bird’s reputed sexual incontinence but also to the medieval belief that eating cooked sparrow or sparrow eggs stimulated lust. It was thought that since the flesh of the sparrow is very hot, its heat would lead one to lechery.
石榴和梨等水果被当作春药食用。乔叟在《商人的故事》中利用了梨树的多重性暗示。年轻妩媚的梅夫人嫁给了富有、可恶、善妒、瘦弱的老一月，她与年迈失明的丈夫在花园散步时，坚持要从自家的青梨树上摘梨，生怕吃不到自己想要的东西而死掉。然而，通过巧妙的诡计，树上挂着不止一种多汁的梨子；梅的年轻情人在树枝上等待着一场树上狂欢。她爬上树去摘果子，给梨树下的老人一月戴上了绿帽子。但这并不奇怪，那个热心的老傻瓜最擅长用食物做比喻：他是一条成熟的鱼，一条长成的梭子鱼，而不是单纯的梭子鱼；她是鲜嫩的小牛肉。他认为 30 岁以上的女人是豆茎和动物饲料。但是，他那齿颊留香的妻子在床上或树上所需要的酒比他的更烈。
Fruits such as pomegranate and pear were eaten as aphrodisiacs. Chaucer plays upon multiple sexual implications of the pear tree in “The Merchant’s Tale.” Young, voluptuous Lady May—married to wealthy, loathsome, jealous, scrawny-loined old January—while walking with her aged, blind husband in their garden insists on picking pears from their green pear tree lest she die if she cannot eat what she desires. By clever ruse, however, more than one variety of succulent pear hangs in that tree; May’s young lover waits in the branches for an arboreal orgy. Up she climbs for her fruit, cuckolding old man January in the pear tree. But no surprise; that ardent old fool thought best in food analogy: He was a mature fish, a full-grown pike, no mere pikerel; she was tender veal. He thought women over 30 were beanstraw and animal forage. But his toothsome wife desired stronger wines than his in bed, or tree.
许多酒和食物被认为具有促进性欲的特性。多米尼加神学家圣托马斯·阿奎那（1225-74 年）在《神学总论》中指出，贪食和淫欲在概念上与触觉的快感有关，因此食物和性也是如此。由于嗜欲是对美味的渴望，因此需要禁食某些食物来抵制性冲动并减少精液的流量。因此，教会禁止禁食者进食那些能给味觉带来最大快感，同时又能极大刺激性欲的食物。这些食物包括在大地上休息的动物的肉和呼吸空气的动物的肉及其产品，如在大地上行走动物的奶和鸟类的蛋，因为这些动物的身体更像人，它们作为食物能给人带来更多的快乐，给人体带来更多的营养，因此，食用这些食物会使精液有更多的剩余，而精液一旦充足，就会极大地刺激情欲。触觉对中世纪食物的感官具有重要意义。这种食物的“触感”是现代美食家所不具备的，因为现代美食家会在食物的纹理和口腔之间插入金属餐具（用餐具进食）。
Many wines and foods were construed as having the quality of promoting sexual desire. The Dominican theologian Saint Thomas Aquinas (1225–74) noted in the Summa theologica that gluttony and lust are conceptually related to the pleasure of touch and hence so, too, are food and sex. Since concupiscence was desire for the delectable, abstinence from certain foods was required to counteract sexual urges as well as to decrease seminal flow. Accordingly, the church forbade those who fasted to partake of those foods that afforded most pleasure to the palate and besides were a very great incentive to lust. Such was the flesh of animals that take their rest on the earth and of those that breathe the air and its products, such as milk from those that walk on the earth and eggs from birds, for since such animals are more like human in body, they afford greater pleasures as food and greater nourishment to the human body, so that from their consumption there results a greater surplus available for seminal matter, which when abundant becomes a great incentive to lust. Touch was significant to the sensuality of medieval food. This “feel” of food is a sense denied the modern gourmet, who interposes the metallic implements of cutlery between textured foods and willing mouth.
山珍海味
口腔和肛门的比喻强化了中世纪对善恶的表达。雕塑、绘画、泥金手稿和文学作品中描绘的邪恶来自恶魔或地狱之口，或进入恶魔或地狱的肛门。祈祷书边注中的怪诞作品比比皆是，半人半兽的生物从臀部或下颚喷出污秽的闪烁物。地狱之口是中世纪最常见的受难地点之一。
Oral and anal analogies intensified medieval expressions of good and evil. Evil portrayed in sculpture, painting, manuscript illumination, and literature emanates from or enters into the mouths or anuses of demons or the mouth of hell. Grotesqueries in marginalia of prayer books abound with part-human part-bestial creatures spurting foul scintillations from their buttocks or jaws. One of the most frequent medieval locations for the torments of the damned is the mouth of hell.
正如“邪恶”是通过“”的食物典故来表达的一样，善也是与神圣的饮食联系在一起的。上帝与正义的人共进晚餐，并奇迹般地喂养虔诚的人。基督教圣餐中的“变质”让人们得以食用神性。(在罗马天主教传统中，术语“基督的身体”主要是特指圣餐中分享的“圣体”。根据天主教教义，献祭仪式之后， 变质成为基督真正的身体和血。天主教教义认为原料不仅经过神经上的改变，而且更是在物质上的身体和血。在东正教的传统中，神父拿面包和酒水祭拜、象征人把世界奉献显给上帝；上帝欣然接受祝福，便把自己奉献给人，将自己的存在封印在面包以及酒水中，使之“定义上”成为“圣体血”（按照教义的传统、固体物质内有生命，是为“肉体”；液体物质内有生命，是为“血”）)祭坛（主的餐桌）是上帝盛宴的餐桌。
Just as evil is expressed in alimentary allusion, so good is associated with divine eating. God sups with the righteous and miraculously feeds the devoted. Transubstantiation in the Christian sacrament allows the consuming of godliness. The altar—mensa domini, the Lord’s table—is the table for God’s feast.
这些中世纪的美食激情在古典、圣经和民间传说中有着悠久的传统。古典希腊和拉丁文学中的史诗、抒情诗和 “厨房幽默”中都有关于美食的高贵遗产。古典文学中数量惊人的男女主人公通过食用特殊、神圣或禁忌的食物来决定自己的命运。在中世纪文本中占有重要地位的有三位：萨图恩（saturn)，为了防止他的孩子们阉割并杀死他，他吃掉了孩子们；美狄亚(Medea)，她对自己的孩子们有着非同寻常的烹饪兴趣，她把孩子们喂给了杰森（伊阿宋（伊亚森，希腊语：Ιάσων，拉丁语：Easun），也有以英文发音译为杰生）；还有年轻的阿喀琉斯，他的食物既预示了其后来的骁勇善战，也是其骁勇善战的原因——他通过吃狮子的内脏和母狼的肠子获得了力量与勇气。
These medieval gastronomic passions had a venerable tradition in classical, biblical, and popular lore. A noble heritage of food reference existed in epic, lyric, and “kitchen humor” of classical Greek and Latin literature. An astounding number of classical heroes and heroines determined their fates by eating special, sacred, or forbidden foods. Three among those important in medieval texts are Saturn, who, to prevent his children from castrating and killing him, as they were destined, ate them; Medea, who had an unnatural culinary interest in her children she served up to Jason; and young Achilles, whose food both prefigured and caused his later prowess—he garnered strength and courage from eating the entrails of lions and the bowels of she-wolves.
对中世纪基督徒来说，比古典精神食粮更有吸引力的是《旧约》中的食物奇迹和食物象征。由于基督教圣经解释者试图在希伯来经文中找到新约事件的预言、前兆、先驱和典型，因此犹太教的每一场盛宴、每一粒葡萄和面包屑都是注释的食物。基督教道德家在大卫、参孙、约伯、朱迪丝（Judith）、以斯帖和路得的冒险故事中重新诠释了从《创世纪》到《所罗门之歌》中的食物场景。吗哪（天主教思高本译作玛纳，根据圣经和古兰经，是古代以色列人出埃及时，在40年的旷野生活中，上帝赐给他们的神奇食物）降下，为沙漠中的信徒提供食物；摩西砸碎何烈山（西奈山（Mount Sinai）或摩西山（Mount Musa））的岩石取水；精致的燔祭包括烤肉和煎饼；逾越节的祭祀盛宴遵循特殊的降神节顺序来展示和进食。《利未记》（摩西五经中的第三本。这本书的英文名字采自希腊文《七十士译本》所用的希腊字利未提纲和《通俗拉丁文本圣经》的「利未提格斯」）中阐述了有关符合犹太教规的鱼、肉和禽类的复杂禁令和规定，犹太人在日常生活中也要遵守。希伯来传统将饮食习俗与精神考验联系在一起，这为后来的犹太饮食仪式提供了灵感。
Even more compelling to medieval Christians than the classical spiritual foods were the Old Testament food miracles and food symbols. Since Christian biblical interpreters attempted to find in Hebrew Scripture predictions, prefigurations, precursors, and typologies for New Testament events, every Jewish feast, each grape and crumb, was food for exegesis. Christian moralists reinterpreted food scenes from Genesis through the Song of Solomon in the adventures of David, Samson, Job, Judith, Esther, and Ruth. Manna fell to feed the faithful in the desert. Moses smote the Horeb rocks for water. Elaborate burned offerings included seared flesh and fried bread. Ritual Passover feasts followed a special seder order of presentation and eating. Complex prohibitions and prescriptions for kosher fish, flesh, and fowl were explicated in the book of Leviticus and followed in a Jew’s daily life. Hebrew tradition associating food practices with spiritual tests inspired later Judaic food rites.
在中世纪基督教《圣经道德》中，《旧约》中的食物传统非常重要。这些《圣经》阐释字面意义，颂扬传统而非认识论的生动视觉细节，其中出现食物场景的频率几乎与武斗一样高。对希伯来文中禁止犹太人食用鹭鸶和鵖鴔等“不洁”鸟类的“道德化”解释，变成了反对餐桌上贪吃和无礼以及反对主教任人唯亲和贿赂的忠告。旧制度下的饮食观念变成了新制度下的教学手段。
Old Testament food tradition was important in medieval Christian “moralized Bibles.” Expounding the letter of the word and celebrating the vivid visual details of tradition rather than epistemology, these Bibles had food scenes almost as frequently as armed battles. “Moralized” explanations of the Hebraic prohibitions against Jews’ eating such “unclean” birds as the heron and hoopoe became counsels against gluttony and impoliteness at table and against bishops’ nepotism and simony. Food notions of the old dispensation were transformed into teaching devices for the new.
在《新约全书》中，福音书的作者圣约翰在宣讲《启示录》之前吃了预言书。预言在他的胃里是苦的，但在他的舌头上却是甜的。基督的烹饪奇迹不仅让迦拿婚礼上的宾客大饱口福，也让众多需要面包和鱼的人大饱口福。《最后的晚餐》成为中世纪艺术中最受欢迎的题材之一。
In the New Testament itself Saint John the Evangelist ate the book of prophecy before preaching the Apocalypse. Bitter in his stomach, the words were sweet upon his tongue. Christ’s culinary miracles regaled not only the guests at the wedding of Cana but the multitudes requiring loaves and fishes. The Last Supper became one of the most popular subjects in medieval art.
神圣的食物与中世纪殉教、讽刺和巫术中的非自然食物相对应。早期的基督教圣人受到食物的诱惑或折磨，或创造了食物奇迹，或在殉难时将自己剁碎、煮熟、烤熟或烤焦。盛行的民间传说主题是通过吞食对方来消灭敌人。《杰克与豆茎》中的巨人就想把杰克的骨头磨碎当面包吃。《穿靴子的猫》中邪恶的食人魔摇身一变成了老鼠，猫便将其吞食。吞噬敌人在中世纪的讽刺剧中非常重要。在酿酒画像中，人们通过在酿酒桶中捣碎红心醪中的果汁来表达强烈的反教皇态度。15 世纪有一个治疗圣彼得消化不良的食谱，要求神职人员用莱茵河水腌制：取24名红衣主教、100 名大主教和主教（每个国家的人数相同）以及尽可能多的教士。将他们浸泡在莱茵河水中，保持三天。这样得到的灵药会对圣彼得的胃有好处，并能治愈他的所有疾病。
Holy food had its counterpoint in the unnatural foodstuffs of medieval martyrdoms, satire, and witchcraft. Early Christian saints were tempted or tortured with food or performed food miracles, or in their martyrdoms they themselves were minced, boiled, broiled, and roasted. The prevalent folklore theme was to destroy enemies by consuming them. That is the way the giant in “Jack and the Beanstalk” wanted to grind Jack’s bones to eat as bread. When the wicked ogre in “Puss in Boots” shifts his shape to a mouse, the cat gobbles him down. Consuming the enemy was important in medieval satire. Virulent antipapal attitudes were expressed in portraits of winemaking by pounding the juice in a vinting vat from a cardinal mash. A 15th-century recipe for curing the digestive troubles of Saint Peter required clergymen marinated in Rhine water: Take 24 cardinals, 100 archbishops and prelates, the same number from each nation, and as many curials as you can get. Immerse in Rhine water, keeping them submerged for three days. The resulting elixir will be good for Saint Peter’s stomach and cure all his diseases.
女巫的安息日盛宴、酝酿风暴的大锅烹饪以及魔法幻术都是对宫廷和神圣仪式的显著颠覆和变态。对女巫厨房的描述详细描述了稀有的原材料（例如切碎的孩子）、精细的烹饪和蒸馏技术、规定的装饰程序以及复杂的饮食仪式。例如，《巫师的憎恶》展示了制作撒旦食谱的“烹饪书”、敞开的炉灶、准备烹饪奇异动物和人类食材的锅、准备煮沸奇异象征动物的预言大锅、装有“搅拌器”和药水锅的吊柜，以及用于占卜的笊篱或筛子。就像领主的宴会是精心准备、精心编排的丰盛宴席一样，巫师和女巫的宴会通常也是摆设华丽、烹饪精致的盛宴，并配有金色的布料、镶有宝石的酒器和殷勤的仆人。与宫廷烹饪理想背道而驰的是女巫的宴会，宴会上只有腐肉、被绞死的人的肉、未受洗礼的孩子和不干净的奇怪动物的肉，烹饪在一起没有味道，上桌时也不放盐。
Witches’ Sabbath feasts, cauldron cookery for brewing up storms, and magic illusions are remarkable inversions and perversions of courtly and sacred ceremony. Depictions of witches’ kitchens detail rare raw ingredients (chopped children, for instance), elaborate cooking and distilling techniques, prescribed embellishing procedures, and complex rituals for eating and drinking. The Abomination des sorciers, for example, illustrates the “cookbooks” from which satanic recipes were concocted, the open hearth with pots ready to cook bizarre animal and human ingredients, the cauldron of prophecy in which fantastic symbolic animals are prepared for boiling, the hanging cupboard containing “ready mixer” philter and potion pots, and the strainer or sieve used in divination. Just as lordly feasts were well served, well-choreographed, sumptuous banquets, so sorcerers’ and witches’ banquets often were opulently presented, delicately cooked extravaganzas with golden cloths, jeweled drinking vessels, and attentive servitors. An inversion of the ideals of courtly cookery was the witch banquet featuring only carrion and the flesh of hanged men, unbaptized children, and unclean strange animals, cooked together to be savorless and served without salt.
无论是自然的还是非自然的，神圣的还是亵渎的，这些源自民间、圣经和古典的中世纪食物传说呈现出食物的“禁忌”或“魔力”。进食仪式伴随着食物的“非自然”转化，使食物变得面目全非。食物是超自然力量的证明，如何烈山（西奈山）的甜水或迦拿的婚酒。食物是向上帝献祭的仪式的一部分，如希伯来人的献祭。食物是一种赞美或补偿。具有共鸣魔法的食物，如阿基里斯的内脏和女巫的腐肉晚餐，将英雄、神圣或魔鬼的品质传递给凡人。在所有情况下，饮食都与精神状态有关。食物是灵魂状态的标志。
Natural or unnatural, divine or profane, this medieval foodlore of popular, biblical, and classical origins presented food “forbidden” or “magic.” Rituals of eating accompanied “unnatural” transformations of food into something other than what it seemed. Food was proof of supernatural power, as in the sweet waters of Horeb or the wedding wine at Cana. Food was part of ritual offerings to God, as in the Hebraic sacrifices. Food was a praise or propitiation. Foods of sympathetic magic, such as Achilles’ offal and the witches’ carrion dinners, transferred to mortal beings qualities heroic, divine, or devilish. In all instances eating was allied to a spiritual condition. Food was an insignia of the state of the soul.
饮食与道德
中世纪食物与精神之间的这种统一是如此普遍，以至于饮食习惯决定了一个人与万神殿的美德和恶习的联系。暴食（拉丁语：gula，源自拉丁语 gluttire），贪食，这种腐蚀世界的诱人罪恶，在中世纪有一个既迷人又令人不安的定义。正如亚当靠吃走出了天堂，人类也靠吃陷入了罪恶。令人惊讶的是，乔叟等作家和众多神学家认为亚当失去伊甸园的可怕而致命的罪不是骄傲，而是贪食。贵族将培养品味和食欲作为教育、政治权力和经济优势的证明，而基督教道德家则认为，精心制作的食物和饮食仪式是魔鬼获得门徒的一种方式。
This medieval unity between food and spirituality was so pervasive that eating habits determined a human being’s association with a pantheon of virtues and vices. Gula, gluttony, that seducing sin that had corrupted the world, had a medieval definition both fascinating and unsettling. Just as Adam ate his way out of paradise, so humans eat their way into sin. Surprisingly, the dire and deadly sin to which writers such as Chaucer and a host of theologians ascribed Adam’s loss of Eden was not pride but gluttony. While the nobleman cultivated tastes and appetites as proof of education, political power, and economic supremacy, the Christian moralists saw in elaborate foods and eating ceremonials a way the devil acquired disciples.
亚当和夏娃在天堂禁食时，一切都很完美。当亚当和夏娃吃下禁果后，上帝将他们赶出了天堂，使他们陷入悲哀和痛苦之中。那么，贪食就是人类的怨恨和后来所有弊病的根源。贪食是每天都在诱惑的罪，是最容易犯的罪，也是最难原谅的罪。正如乔叟对圣保罗的表述：一个人的喉咙因为被诅咒的过剩而变成了厕所！食物进入胃中，胃成了虫子的食物，上帝最终摧毁了这两者。
While Adam and Eve fasted in paradise, all was perfect. When Adam and Eve ate the forbidden fruit, God cast them out to woe and pain. Gluttony, then, was the source of humankind’s complaint and all subsequent maladies. Gluttony was the sin that tempted daily, the easiest to commit, and the hardest to forgive. As Chaucer rephrased Saint Paul: A man’s throat becomes a privy because of cursed superfluity! Food enters the stomach. The stomach becomes food for worms. God ultimately destroys both.
圣人托马斯·阿奎那、奥古斯丁和保罗，额我略一世在《乔布书中的道德》中，威廉·佩拉杜斯在《恶习总结》中，彭亚福特的雷蒙德在《Summa de casibus poenitentiae》（忏悔事例总结）中，以及其他训诂学家都论证了贪食的首要地位问题。贪食是第一大罪，是主要的罪，是最致命的罪。贪食高于傲慢的观点渗透到神学家的理论阐述、中世纪流行的布道和视觉艺术中。七宗罪中的其他罪有时会导致下地狱，而贪食则是对世间罪恶和人类受其诱惑的令人信服的简单解释。反过来说，贪食是最复杂的罪，因为吃基督的身体和宝血这一圣餐行为有其完美的平行性、特殊的紧迫性和生动的形象性，即通过吃来消除因吃而导致的恶行：正如亚当吃东西导致犯罪一样，人类也可以吃东西获得救赎。
Saints Thomas Aquinas, Augustine, and Paul; Gregory in his Moralia; Peraldus in his Tractatus; Pennaforte in his Summa casuum; and other exegetical writers argued the question of gluttony’s primacy. Gluttony was the first sin, the cardinal sin, the deadliest sin. This primacy of gluttony over pride permeated theoretical expositions of theologians, popular medieval pulpit preaching, and the visual arts. While others of the Seven Deadly Sins sometimes led the way to hell, gluttony was a compellingly simple explanation for sin in this world and humans’ temptation to it. Conversely, gluttony was the most complex sin because the sacramental act of eating the body and blood of Christ had its perfect parallel, its special urgency, and its graphic vividness, as an undoing, by eating, of an evil deed caused by eating: Just as Adam ate his way to sin, so humans might eat their way to salvation.
乔叟笔下的帕森效仿圣托马斯·阿奎那，将贪食描述为“无以复加”的饮食欲望，对食物或饮料的过度贪婪。贪食是通向罪恶的门槛和门户。贪吃的人无法抵御其他的罪。在罪中进食的人，已经在为一切恶习服务。贪食是魔鬼的囤积地，撒旦恶魔就藏身于此。
Chaucer’s Parson, following Saint Thomas Aquinas, described gluttony as “immeasurable” appetite for eating and drinking, an inordinate covetousness of food or drink. Gluttony is the threshold and gateway to sin. Whoever gives in to gluttony is incapable of withstanding other sins. Whoever eats in sin is already in the service of all vices. Gluttony is the devil’s hoard, wherein the satanic fiend rests and hides.
贪食有许多定义。醉酒是人类理性的可怕坟墓，醉酒导致精神混乱，使人失去判断力和智慧。贪食也是指人贪婪地吞食食物，“没有正当的进食方式”。过多的食物会导致身体湿气紊乱，引发疾病。健忘也是过量饮食的结果。
Gluttony has many definitions. Drunkenness is a horrible sepulchre of man’s reason. Confusion of spirit caused by drunkenness bereaves man of discretion and wit. Gluttony occurs also when man greedily devours food and “has no rightful manner of eating.” Too great abundance of food causes distempering of the body’s humors and illness. Forgetfulness is the result of excess eating and drinking.
牧师们从额我略一世那里汲取灵感，划定了贪吃的其他等级。恶魔之手的这五根手指引诱人们走向灭亡：
(1) 还没到吃饭时间就吃东西；
(2) 获得太精致、太娇贵的食物和饮料；
(3) 吃得太多，超出了限度；
(4) 以好奇心或珍奇心来装扮食物，太刻意去装饰它；
(5) 吃得太贪婪。
Other levels of gluttony delineated by the Parson took inspiration from Gregory the Great. These five fingers of the devil’s hand lure folk to damnation: (1) to eat before it is time to eat; (2) to obtain too delicate and too dainty foods and drinks; (3) to take too much, beyond measure; (4) to fashion food with curiositee or preciosity, with too great intention to apparel and decorate it; and (5) to eat too greedily.
贪食作为原罪具有惊人的意义。所有人都必须承认并赎罪，因为罪的定义是如此全面。琐碎的饮食癖好会危及救赎。如果两餐之间进食或餐桌礼仪不佳都构成了罪，那么坎特伯雷朝圣者和现代快餐店的忠实拥趸们都难逃罪责。导致堕落、洪水和索（所）多玛毁灭的罪有无数的形式和伪装，在餐桌上潜入人的灵魂。
Gluttony as original sin had amazing implications. All human beings had to admit and to expiate their guilt because the definition of sin was so comprehensive. Trivial food peccadillos endangered salvation. If eating between meals or poor table manners constituted sin, then no Canterbury pilgrim and few among our modern devotees of fast-food restaurants would escape guilt. This same sin that caused the Fall, the Flood, and the destruction of Sodom had numerous forms and guises, insinuating itself into man’s soul at his dining table.
为了生存而必须进食的人该如何避免贪食呢？乔叟笔下的帕森睿智地引用了圣奥古斯丁关于节欲的建议。我们的目标不是完全禁欲，而是在吃喝的各个方面都有一个烹饪的 “度”。充足意味着不追求丰盛的食物或饮料，不对食物进行夸张的装饰。节制是指用理智克制饮食的欲望。清醒意味着限制饮酒。节制是指只吃饱，不喝多。甚至餐桌上的坐姿也决定了一种精神状态。圣人避免在用餐时长时间慵懒地坐着。建议站着用餐，以减少用餐时的闲暇。虽然对于修道士或忏悔者来说禁欲是可行的，但在中世纪的宫廷餐桌上禁欲并不常见。
How might a human being who must eat to live avoid gluttony? Chaucer’s Parson sagely quotes Saint Augustine’s recommendation for abstinence. The goal is not total deprivation but a culinary “measure” in all aspects of eating and drinking. Sufficiency meant no seeking of rich foods or drinks, no outrageous appareling of food. Measure meant restraining by reason the appetite for eating. Soberness meant limiting drinking. Sparingness was the watchword— only enough, nothing too much. Even sitting positions at table defined a state of spirit. The holy avoided sitting long and languorously at mealtime. Eating standing up was recommended in order to eat at less leisure. While feasible for monastic orders or for penances, abstinence was infrequent at medieval courtly tables.
文学和哲学中对贪食的抨击 表明了对“装饰”食物的明显蔑视。所谓“装饰”，是指装饰食物以制造一种表象、一种幻觉、一种虚假的假象。过度装饰食物被称为“餐桌上的骄傲”。餐桌上的骄傲主要是富人的恶习，表现在奇形怪状、色彩斑斓的烘焙食品，火烧食品，熊熊燃烧的野火，以及彩绘、雕刻、冰雕、杏仁糖或纺糖作品。
Literary and philosophical inveighing against gluttony shows notable disdain for “appareling” food. Appareling meant decorating to create an appearance, an illusion, a pretense of something other than what was. Excessive adornment of food was called pride of the table. Primarily the vice of the rich, table pride was expressed in contrivances of baked foods in fantastical shapes and colors, flambé foods, burning bright wild fire, and painted, sculpted, ice, marzipan, or spun sugar creations.
宫廷厨师将普通食物变成雕塑，但却通过制造“表象”来欺骗、犯罪，并将他人带入罪恶之中。厨师们迎合食客们对“新奇事物”的贪得无厌的欲望，唤起了“更新的食欲”，用他们的美味手段引诱人们染上其他恶习。中世纪的宴会手册对这些美食大加赞赏，推荐食物绘画、食物雕塑和幻觉食物。教士们谴责糕点和果冻设计、杏仁蛋白徽章、肉类菜肴（如 Yrchoun 和 Cockentrice（将乳猪的上半身缝在阉鸡或火鸡的下半身上的菜肴））以及音乐家馅饼，这些馅饼展示了从巨型糕点中跃出的现场乐器演奏者。这些刺激视觉和味觉的奇观表达了过度财富、过度华丽和过度世俗的骄傲。
Courtly cooks transformed elementary foods into sculpture but by creating “appearances” deceived, sinned, and led others into sin. By pandering to their patrons’ insatiable desires for “newfangledness,” cooks aroused “newer appetites,” seducing men to other vices by their delicious devices. These delicacies were praised in medieval banquet manuals recommending food painting, food sculpture, and illusion foods. Clerics condemned pastry and aspic designs, marzipan armorial quarterings, meat dishes such as the Yrchoun and Cockentrice, and the musician pies, which presented live instrumentalists leaping out from giant pastries. Such wonders exciting the eye and palate expressed too much wealth, too great magnificence, and a too worldly pride.
对装饰性食物和进食仪式的苛责、对餐桌骄傲的谴责以及对贪食五指的断言，都是中世纪秩序的真实写照，就像浪漫小说、烹饪书、家庭账目和健康手册中对美食的赞美一样。中世纪的食物和仪式是上帝赐予丰饶的最艺术的表达，也是走向诅咒的最卑鄙、最危险的诱惑。这种相反的观点表达了世俗生活的模糊性，在世俗生活中，食物与其他激情一样，可能是人类最堕落或最神圣本性的表达。
Strictures against adorned food and the ceremony of eating, condemnations of table pride, and assertions of gluttony’s five groping fingers were as true to the medieval world order as were the exaltations of fine foods in the romances, cookery tomes, household accounts, and health manuals. Medieval food and ceremony were the most artful expression of God’s plenty or the most degrading, dangerous temptation toward damnation. Such contrary views expressed the ambiguities of living in the secular world, where food, like other passions, potentially was an expression of a human being’s most corrupt or most holy nature.
《Handbook To Life in The Medieval World》（2008）
By Madeleine Pelner Cosman and Linda Gale Jones
未完待续！
