中世纪世界生活手册（十三）
上一章
法国和德国的犹太人：阿什肯纳兹（亚实基拿，“亚实基拿”这一名称常与中世纪时的犹太人及今日德国西部以莱茵兰为中心的地理区域联系在一起。结果，在该地区发展起来的犹太文化被称为阿什肯纳兹犹太文化，也是今天这名称仍在使用的唯一形式）
罗马晚期高卢和日耳曼尼亚犹太人的经历在很大程度上反映了其在意大利的教友的经历。犹太人在罗马政府的主要中心（马赛、阿尔勒、那邦尼（纳博讷）、于泽斯、波尔多、克莱蒙费朗、奥尔良和巴黎）形成了自己的社区，这些中心位于重要的商业路线上，有利于犹太商人和奴隶贩子的贸易。科隆和德国莱茵地区的犹太人定居点的记录可以追溯到四世纪初的罗马时期。在这些城市中都存在着众多的犹太教会堂，这些会堂都是在archisynagogue（希腊语 ἀρχισυνάγω；希伯来语 ראש הכנסת；直译为“犹太教堂院长”，是一个古老的犹太头衔，指的是监督与犹太教堂宗教服务有关的事务的官员。）的领导下组织的。在四世纪末宣布基督教为官方国教后，高卢和日耳曼尼亚的犹太人继续享有与他们基督教同胞一样的公民平等和义务，后者包括强制性地参与教会的筹资活动。在这个相对平静和繁荣的时代，日耳曼尼亚犹太人社区蓬勃发展，并扩展到其他城市，如美因茨、沃尔姆斯、马扬斯、美因茲和梅斯。大公会议证明了犹太人和基督徒之间积极的社会关系，特别是在法国。基督教神职人员被邀请参加犹太人的节日，犹太人与基督教的通婚被容忍，犹太人被允许在基督教徒中进行传教。实践中的基督徒似乎采用了许多犹太人的习俗，例如以犹太人安息日的方式庆祝星期天。奥尔良会议（539）谴责犹太人的“迷信”对基督教安息日的影响。
The experiences of the Jews of late Roman Gaul and Germany largely mirror those of their coreligionists in Italy. Jews formed communities in the major centers of Roman administration— Marseille, Arles, Narbonne, Uzès, Bordeaux, Clermont-Ferrand, Orleans, and Paris—strategically located on the great commercial routes that facilitated the activities of Jewish merchants and slave traders. Records of Jewish settlements in Cologne and the Rhine area of Germany date to the early fourth-century Roman period. Numerous synagogues existed in all of these cities, organized under the leadership of the archisynagogue. After the proclamation of Christianity as the official state religion in the late fourth century, Gaulish and Germanic Jews continued to enjoy the civil equalities and duties of their fellow Christian citizens, the latter of which included compulsory participatation in the financing of the curia. During this era of relative calm and prosperity, German Jewish communities flourished and expanded into other cities such as Mainz, Worms, Mayence, Speyer, and Metz. Ecumenical councils attest to the positive social relations between Jews and Christians, particularly in France. Christian clergy were invited to attend Jewish feasts, Jewish-Christian intermarriage was tolerated, and Jews were allowed to proselytize among Christians. Practicing Christians appear to have adopted many Jewish customs, such as celebrating Sunday in the manner of the Jewish Sabbath. The Council of Orleans (539) denounced the influence of Jewish “superstitions” upon the Christian Sabbath.
墨洛温时期法国和德国的犹太人
起初，基督教徒和犹太人之间的宗教和平民平等状况在墨洛温王朝法兰克人统治时期（第五至第八世纪）继续存在。然而，当法兰克人在克洛维一世统治时期（481-511年）皈依基督教时，犹太人开始被视为帝国全面皈依的障碍，并在某种程度上帮助和怂恿敌对形式的基督教，如多纳图斯派、阿利乌教派和摩尼教在野蛮部落中的持续存在。当时，《塔木德》还没有被改编，因此，在不谙世事的日耳曼人和高卢异教徒眼中，犹太教和基督教可能很难区分。因此，后基督教时期法兰克人对犹太人的政策可以说是主要寻求在基督徒和犹太人之间划定明确的社会和宗教界限，而没有公开迫害后者。然而，法兰克人确实对犹太人施加了某些法律限制，如禁止不同信仰间的婚姻，禁止犹太人担任税吏和法官。这些限制与西班牙西哥特人统治下的南部飞地（指隶属于某一行政区管辖但不与本区毗连的土地。方言中也称为“瓯脱地”。如果某一行政主体拥有一块飞地，那么它无法取道自己的行政区域到达该地，只能“飞”过其他行政主体的属地，才能到达自己的飞地。飞地的概念产生于中世纪，术语第一次出现于1526年签订的马德里条约的文件上。）塞普提曼尼亚犹太人的情况相比，就显得微不足道了。613年，西哥特国王希瑟布特（Sisebut）下令对其王国中的所有犹太人进行强制洗礼。作为回应，塞普提曼尼亚的犹太人向北逃到更宽容的普罗旺斯。历史将在墨洛温王朝最后一位国王达戈贝尔特一世（623-639年）的统治时期重演。据报道，达戈贝尔特被拜占庭皇帝希拉克略警告说，基督教帝国将被一个受割礼的民族所摧毁，他命令高卢的犹太人要么皈依基督教，要么离开这个王国。
At first the situation of religious and civilian parity between Christians and Jews continued during the period of Merovingian Frankish rule (fifth to eighth centuries). However, when the Franks converted to Christianity during the reign of Clovis (481–511) the Jews began to be regarded as an obstacle to the full conversion of the empire and as somehow aiding and abetting the persistence of rival forms of Christianity such as Donatism, Arianism, and Manichaeanism among the barbarian tribes. At the time the Talmud had yet to be redacted, and therefore Judaism and Christianity probably were difficult to distinguish in the eyes of the untutored Germanic and Gaulish pagans. Post-Christian Frankish policy toward the Jews may thus be characterized as primarily seeking to delineate clear social and religious boundaries between Christians and Jews, while falling short of overtly persecuting the latter. However, the Franks did impose certain legal restrictions upon the Jews, such as forbidding interfaith marriage and prohibiting Jews from working as tax collectors and judges. These restrictions pale in comparison with the situation of Jews in Septimania, a southern enclave under the rule of the Spanish Visigoths. In 613 the Visigoth king Sisebut ordered the forced baptism of all Jews in his kingdom. In response the Jews of Septimania fled north to more tolerant Provence. History would repeat itself during the reign of the last Merovingian king, Dagobert I (r. 623–639). Warned by the Byzantine emperor Heraclius of an astrological prediction that the Christian empire would be destroyed by a circumcised people, Dagobert reportedly ordered the Gaulish Jews either to convert to Christianity or to leave the realm.
加洛林文艺复兴时期的犹太人
另一方面，加洛林王朝的文艺复兴似乎也为法国的犹太人带来了一个“黄金时代”。犹太人在加洛林王朝法国的突出地位被笼罩在将犹太人的作用与加洛林王朝的权力崛起联系起来的传说中。根据这些传说，纳博讷的犹太人对墨洛温王王朝法兰克人的反犹太政策感到愤怒，据说他们将纳博讷交给了查理曼。为了表示感谢，据说皇帝将该城分为三个部分，一部分由伯爵领导，另一部分由主教领导，第三部分为犹太人，其领导人拥有“犹太人的国王”称号。这个虔诚传说的文本可以追溯到13世纪，属于chansons de gestes（武功歌，也叫英雄史诗，源自古法语的「英雄事迹之歌」，为出现在法国文学初期的史诗和叙事诗。）的诗歌周期（见第九章，文学）。尽管关于查理曼大帝给予犹太人的纳博讷犹太封臣公国的说法没有任何历史依据——尤其是759年查理曼大帝的父亲（矮子丕平）征服了这座城市，但这个传说确实证明了犹太人在这座城市和法国其他地区的显赫地位。根据学者埃丝特·班巴萨（Esther Benbassa）的说法，这也表明犹太人试图从加洛林王朝那里获得对他们作为“受保护的臣民”地位的认可，与生活在穆斯林统治下的犹太人所享有的地位相当。不应忘记的是，纳博纳市从720年到759年被穆斯林占领，在此期间，根据伊斯兰法律，他们必须按照界定非穆斯林地位的齐米制度生活（伊斯兰教称「（被）保护民」的术语，是指在以沙里亚法规为基础的伊斯兰国家中信仰其他一神教的人（有经者）。多神教与无神论者不在被保护的范围内）。
On the other hand, the Carolingian Renaissance appeared to have ushered in a “golden age” for French Jewry as well. Jewish prominence in Carolingian France is shrouded in legends linking the role of the Jews to the rise of Carolingian power. According to these legends, the Jews of Narbonne, incensed at the anti-Jewish policies of the Merovingians, are said to have delivered the city of Narbonne to Charlemagne. In gratitude the emperor allegedly divided the city into three sectors, one headed by a count, another by a bishop, and a third for the Jews, whose leader bore the title “the king of the Jews.” The texts of this pious legend date to the 13th century and generically belong to the poetic cycle of the chansons de gestes (see chapter 9, Literature). Although there is no historical basis to the claims of a Jewish princedom of Narbonne given to the Jews by Charlemagne—not least because it was Charlemagne’s father, Pepin the Short, who conquered the city in 759—the legend does attest to the prominence of the Jews within this city and the rest of France. According to the scholar Esther Benbassa, it also suggests an attempt by the Jews to secure from the Carolingians a recognition of their status as “protected subjects” comparable to that enjoyed by Jews living under Muslim rule. It should not be forgotten that the city of Narbonne had been occupied by the Muslims from 720 to 759, during which time they would have been obliged by Islamic law to live by the dhimmi system defining the status of non-Muslims.
撇开传说不谈，犹太人在加洛林王朝时期是欣欣向荣的。许多人在宫廷中担任要职，并享有广泛的自治权和公民自由。博学多才的犹太人为新帝国的外交和经济利益服务。查理曼在797年派遣犹太人艾萨克前往阿拔斯王朝哈里发哈伦·拉希德的宫廷，这是犹太人代表加洛林王朝国王进行外交活动的一个显著例子，但绝不是唯一的例子。自从穆斯林于732年被赶出法国后，被称为拉特纳犹太人的犹太国际商人通过奴隶和丝绸、东方香料和贵金属等奢侈品的贸易为加洛林王朝的经济做出了贡献（见经济和旅行一章）。为了承认他们在加洛林经济中不可或缺的作用，825年，虔诚的路易斯颁布了一份皇家宪章，给予犹太商人一些财政特权和皇家对他们生命与财产的保护。虽然这种特许状提供了加洛林王朝统治者与他们的犹太臣民之间良好关系的证据，但它们必须被理解为对君主的个人奴役的封建关系，可以根据国王的意愿进行撤销或改变。向犹太人颁发皇家特许证成为整个西方基督教世界的惯例，在法国和其他地方一样，为反犹太主义的攻击提供了借口，作为挑战皇家权威的一种手段。
Legends aside, Jews prospered under the Carolingians. Many held prominent positions in the emperor’s court and enjoyed a wide degree of autonomy and civil liberty. Polyglot erudite Jews served the diplomatic and economic interests of the new empire. Charlemagne’s dispatching of Isaac the Jew to the court of the Abbasid caliph Harun al-Rashid in 797 is a remarkable, but by no means unique, illustration of Jewish diplomacy on behalf of the Carolingian kings. Since the Muslims had been driven out of France in 732, Jewish international merchants called Radhanites contributed to the Carolingian economy through their trade in slaves and luxury items such as silk, Oriental spices, and precious metals (see the chapter on economy and travel). In recognition of their indispensable role in the Carolingian economy, in 825 Louis the Pious issued a royal charter according Jewish merchants a number of fiscal privileges and royal protection of their lives and property. While such charters provide evidence of the good relations between the Carolingian rulers and their Jewish subjects, they must be understood as a feudal relationship of personal servitude to the monarch that could be rescindered or altered at the king’s whim. The granting of royal charters to Jews became established practice throughout Western Christendom and in France as elsewhere provided the alibi for anti-Jewish attacks as a means of challenging royal authority.
犹太人在加洛林王朝时期的地位类似于墨洛温王朝统治的全盛时期。犹太人可以建造犹太教堂，在法庭上作证，可以从事大多数职业，并对其内部事务行使自治权。加洛林王朝在后者方面的一项创新是设立了magister judeorum（“犹太教长”）一职，在德语中称为Judenmeister，这是一个对国王负责的犹太人物，负责所有与犹太人有关的事务。虽然封建限制禁止他们从事大规模农业，但犹太人确实拥有土地，包括罗纳河谷繁荣的葡萄园，而且犹太商人在当地向基督徒和国外销售葡萄酒。
Jewish status under the Carolingians resembled the heyday of Merovingian rule: Jews could build synagogues, testify in court, have access to most occupations, and exercise autonomy over their internal affairs. One Carolingian innovation in the latter regard was the creation of the post of the magister judeorum (“the master of the jews”), known in German as the Judenmeister, a Jewish figurehead answerable to the king and in charge of all matters pertaining to the Jews. While feudal restrictions banned them from engaging in large-scale agriculture, Jews did own land, including prosperous vineyards in the Rhone Valley, and Jewish merchants sold wine locally to Christians as well as abroad.
从各方面来看，犹太人完全融入了更大的基督教社会，这种同化的证据是，加洛林王朝的犹太人能说流利的拉丁语，而对希伯来语基本不懂。一些教会会议（例如，845年的莫城会议和883年的图卢兹会议）表明了教会对犹太人融入基督教社会的反击。这些会议出台了一些压迫和羞辱犹太人的法令，如复活节时在大教堂的台阶上对一名犹太人进行羞辱性质地打脸，以报复犹太人对基督的伤害。在加洛林王朝权力的巅峰时期，统治者保护犹太人免受这种教会条例的影响。随着王朝权力在九世纪后期的减弱，加洛林王朝发现执行反犹太教的法规是很合宜的。
By all accounts Jews were fully integrated into larger Christian society, and this assimilation is evidenced by the fact that Carolingian Jews were fluent in Latin and largely ignorant of Hebrew. A number of church councils (e.g., the Council of Meaux in 845 and the Council of Toulouse in 883) demonstrate an ecclesiastical backlash against Jewish integration in Christian society. These councils introduced a number of ordinances that oppressed and humiliated the Jews, such as the infamous slap on the face administered to a Jew on the steps of the cathedral at Easter in retaliation for Jewish injury to Christ. At the height of Carolingian power, the rulers protected Jews from such ecclesiastical ordinances. With the waning of their power in the later ninth century, the Carolingians found it expedient to enforce the anti-Jewish legislation.
犹太学问在法国卡佩时代的崛起
卡佩王朝（987-1137）的犹太人历史充满了反差。地方伯爵和主教强迫犹太人接受洗礼或面临死亡与驱逐的事件层出不穷。在大多数情况下，犹太人直接向教皇上诉，以阻止迫害他们的人的行动。这一时期还与第一次十字军东征圣地和11世纪西班牙的重新征服被授予十字军地位的时间相吻合。这两次十字军东征都导致犹太人在与穆斯林敌人作战的途中被大肆屠杀，不过应该指出的是，十字军的绝大多数屠杀都发生在德国本土。尽管有这些值得注意的大屠杀案例，但10世纪和11世纪是法国犹太文化历史的一个转折点。在法国和伊拉克之间旅行的拉特纳犹太商人与巴比伦学院有联系，并将巴比伦塔木德的副本带回了法国。11世纪时，一位仅以马希尔（Mahir是一个阿拉伯语名字，意思是“熟练的”或“专家”）为名的犹太法学博士从巴比伦移民到纳博纳，并建立了法国第一所犹太学校。到11世纪下半叶，法国诞生了犹太历史上最伟大的拉比和塔木德学者之一，即可敬的拉比，也被称为所罗门·本·依撒克·哈泰扎法提（1040-1105）。他在家乡特鲁瓦建立了一所犹太塔木德学校，成为犹太学习的灯塔，并成为现已停办的巴比伦学院的当之无愧的继承者。他对《塔木德》的大量评论至今仍是理解犹太法律的一个不可或缺的工具。他的弟子们保持着其犹太学问遗产，在希伯来语、塔木德研究、圣经注释和拉比法学等领域表现出色。
The history of the Jews during the era of the Capetian kings (987–1137) is filled with contrasts. There were numerous incidents of local counts and bishops forcing Jews to become baptized or face death or expulsion. In most cases the Jews appealed directly to the pope to stay the hand of their persecutors. The period also coincides with the First Crusade to the Holy Land and with the granting of crusader status to the Reconquista of Spain in the 11th century. Both crusades resulted in the wholesale massacre of Jews en route to fighting the Muslim enemy, although it should be noted that the vast majority of the crusader massacres took place on German soil. Despite these notable cases of pogrom and massacre, the 10th and 11th centuries mark a turning point in French Jewish cultural history. Radhanite Jewish merchants traveling between France and Iraq had contact with the Babylonian academy and took back to France copies of the Babylonian Talmud. In the 11th century a Jewish doctor of the law known only by the name of Mahir emigrated from Babylonia to Narbonne and founded the first French yeshiva. By the second half of the 11th century, France would produce one of the greatest rabbis and Talmudic scholars of Jewish history, the venerable Rashi, also known as Solomon ben Isaac of Troyes (1040– 1105). Rashi founded a Jewish Talmudic school in his native Troyes that became a beacon of Jewish learning and a worthy successor of the now defunct Babylonian academy. His massive commentary on the Talmud remains to this day an indispensable tool for understanding Jewish law. Rashi’s disciples maintained his legacy of Jewish learning, excelling in the fields of Hebrew, Talmudic study, biblical exegesis, and rabbinical jurisprudence.
阿什肯纳兹中心地带的犹太教学习
11世纪的德国也见证了在著名拉比影响下，犹太教律法学习的革新，如Kalonymous家族，他们在9世纪中期从意大利移民到美因茨，并在那里建立了一个犹太教学校。梅斯的格尔肖姆·班·尤达（约960-1040年）是美因茨塔木德学院的院长，在他的管理下，美因茨成为犹太圣经和塔木德研究的磁石，吸引来自散居各地的犹太人。他的学校影响了前面提到的法国拉比学者所罗门·本·依撒克·哈泰扎法提的事业，他承认所有阿什肯纳兹的犹太人都是格尔肖姆的弟子。格尔肖姆的教诲给德国犹太人灌输了对《妥拉》和《塔木德》的极端虔诚，这可以解释十字军迫害时期犹太人殉教的高发率以及虔诚主义哈西德运动在阿什肯纳兹的出现。
Germany in the 11th century also witnessed a renovation in Jewish Halachic learning under the influence of renowned rabbis such as the Kalonymous family, who had immigrated from Italy in the mid-ninth century to Mainz, where they founded a Jewish yeshiva. Gershom ben Judah of Metz (c. 960–1040) was the head of the Talmudic academy at Mainz, and under his governance Mainz became a magnet of Jewish biblical and Talmudic study, attracting Jews from all over the Diaspora. His school influenced the career of the aforementioned French rabbinic scholar Rashi, who acknowledged that all Ashkenazic Jews were disciples of Rav Gershom. The extreme devotion to the Torah and the Talmud that Gershom’s teachings instilled in German Jews may explain the high incidences of Jewish martyrdom during the times of crusader persecution and the emergence in Ashkenaz of the pietistic Hasidim movement.
在迫害与被驱逐之间
尽管第一次十字军东征并没有在法国引起对犹太人的系统性迫害，但它确实催生了犹太人亵渎圣体和绑架基督徒男孩进行血祭的恶性谣言。1171年在布卢瓦出现的第一个血腥诽谤的指控，导致31名犹太人被烧死在火刑柱上。这种指控，加上14世纪流传的关于犹太人污染公共水井并传播黑死病（1348-49）的谣言，将成为在中世纪余下的时间里一次又一次迫害、屠杀和驱逐法国和德国犹太人社区的借口。从1182年腓力二世·奥古斯都下令驱逐犹太人到1394年查理六世最终将犹太人驱逐出法国，期间发生的迫害犹太人事件不胜枚举。只需提及皇家政策很少是出于虔诚的考虑，圣路易九世（1226-70年）可能是个例外；更典型的是菲利普四世在1306年将犹太人驱逐出法国的背后，纯粹是出于经济动机。法国犹太人的“大放逐”必须与菲利普在第二年策划的另一次大放逐联系起来理解：摧毁圣殿骑士团并没收其所有资产。这两次“流放”的唯一目的是在法国王室面临财政困难的时候充实王室国库。
Although the First Crusade did not give rise to systematic persecution of the Jews in France, it did spawn pernicious rumors that Jews were desecrating the Eucharistic host and kidnapping Christian boys to perform blood sacrifices. The first accusation of blood libel, which arose in Blois in 1171, resulted in the burning at the stake of 31 Jews. Such accusations, together with the rumors circulating in the 14th century that the Jews had contaminated public wells and spread the Black Death (1348–49), would serve as a pretext for the persecution, massacre, and expulsion of French and German communities of Jews time and again over the course of the remainder of the Middle Ages. The incidences of Jewish persecution between the expulsion ordered by Phillip Augustus in 1182 and the final, definitive expulsion of the Jews from France by Charles VI in 1394 are too numerous to count. It suffices to mention that royal policy was rarely dictated by pious consideration, with the possible exception of Saint Louis IX (r. 1226–70); far more typical were the purely financial motives that lay behind Philip the Fair’s expulsion of the Jews from France in 1306. The “great exile” of French Jewry must be understood in connection with the other great exile that Philip engineered the following year: the destruction of the Templars and the confiscation of all their assets. Both “exiles” served the sole purpose of filling the royal treasury at a time when the French Crown was facing financial difficulties.
在德国，迫害一直持续到15世纪的瘟疫年代之后。虽然十字军的狂热和极端主义的虔诚无疑为这些事件推波助澜，但在大多数情况下，犹太人的迫害反映了神圣罗马帝国的皇帝、教皇、主教和公爵之间的政治权力斗争。无论潜在的动机是什么，影响都是一样的：阿什肯纳兹的犹太社区通过实践殉道、Kiddush ha Shem（“神圣之名的圣化”，犹太教的戒律。在拉比来源和现代用语中，它指的是反映犹太人民良好而非不良的私人和公共行为）来回应。这些英勇的殉道行为在犹太编年史和宗教诗歌（piyyutim；见文学一章）中得到了不朽的记载和纪念。犹太人的抵抗也采取了移民的形式。由于镇压性法律禁止犹太人从事大多数职业，他们从事放贷和典当业。虽然这些职业使犹太人成为基督教徒怨恨的焦点，但它们为犹太人提供了金融流动性，在需要时为他们的流动提供了便利。例如，当神圣罗马帝国皇帝鲁道夫·冯·哈布斯堡（1273-91）试图执行犹太人是皇室的个人和财政“财产”的政策时，这种情况被称为“皇室财政的农奴”（servi camare regis），许多德国犹太人只是逃到了邻国波兰。德国最伟大的法律学者，罗腾堡的梅尔·本·巴鲁克（1215-1286），成为这一政策的“殉道者”。梅尔因拒绝接受农奴制的地位而被监禁，并在那里一直待到死亡。在狱中，他继续写法学论文和给弟子的信，这使他成为几个世纪以来阿什肯纳兹法律和习俗的最重要指导者。在随后的14和15世纪的迫害中，阿什肯纳兹犹太人向波兰移民的模式将被重复，使该国成为现代早期阿什肯纳兹犹太人最大和最重要的中心之一。
In Germany the persecutions persisted beyond the years of the plague well into the 15th century. While crusader fervor and extremist piety undoubtedly fueled these events, in most cases Jewish persecution reflected political power struggles that pitted Holy Roman Emperors, popes, bishops, and dukes against one another. Whatever the underlying motives, the impact was the same: Ashkenazic Jewish communities responded by practicing martyrdom, Kiddush ha Shem (“the sanctification of the Divine Name”). These heroic acts of martyrdom were immortalilzed and commemorated liturgically in Jewish chronicles and religious poetry (piyyutim; see the chapter on literature). Jewish resistance also took the form of emigration. Since repressive laws banned Jews from practicing most professions, they engaged in moneylending and pawnbrokery. Although these vocations made Jews the focus of Christian resentment, they provided them with financial liquidity that facilitated their mobility when the need arose. For instance, when Holy Roman Emperor Rudolph of Habsburg (r. 1273–91) attempted to enforce the policy that the Jews were the personal and fiscal “property” of the Crown, a condition known as the “serfs of the royal treasury” (servi camare regis), many German Jews simply fled to neighboring Poland. Germany’s greatest legal scholar, Rabbi Meir ben Baruch of Rothenberg (1215–c. 1286), became a “martyr” of this policy. Meir was imprisoned for refusing to accept the status of serfdom and remained there until he died. While in prison he continued writing the juridical responsa and letters to his disciples that made him the foremost guide of Ashkenazic law and customs for centuries. The pattern of Ashkenazic Jewish emigration to Poland would be repeated during the subsequent persecutions of the 14th and 15th centuries, converting that country into one of the largest and most important centers of Ashkenazic Jewry in the early modern era.
德国的犹太虔诚派：哈西迪犹太教
在第一次十字军东征期间对莱茵兰犹太人的大屠杀中，备受赞誉的拉比Kalonymous ben Meshullam ha-Parnas是传奇的Kalonymous家族（德国最显赫的犹太家族之一）的烈士之一。在12世纪末至13世纪初，他的后裔塞缪尔·哈西德（“虔诚者”）、雷根斯堡的犹大·本·塞缪尔，以及后者的堂兄、沃尔姆斯的以利亚撒·本·犹大，编纂了一部关于犹太教新形式虔诚的小册子，名为《Sefer Hasidim》（虔诚之书）阐述了新虔诚主义运动的原则，将殉道作为虔诚的最高表现形式，并颂扬了禁欲主义、忏悔式的身体折磨和神秘主义的美德。
One of the many martyrs of the massacre of Rhineland Jews during the First Crusade was the acclaimed rabbi Kalonymous ben Meshullam ha-Parnas of the legendary Kalonymous clan. In the late 12th to early 13th centuries his descendants Samuel ben Kalonymous ha-Hasid (“the Pious”), Judah ben Samuel ben Kalonymous ha-Hasid, and the latter’s cousin, Eleazar ben Judah of Worms, redacted a tractate on a new form of Jewish piety entitled Sefer Hasidim (The Book of the Pious). The Book of the Pious laid out the principles of a new pietistic movement that upheld martyrdom as the highest expression of piety and extolled the virtues of asceticism, penitential mortification of the body, and mysticism.
伊比利亚基督教化地区的犹太人
伊比利亚半岛的犹太人历史展现了对这一群体在基督教和伊斯兰教统治下命运的对比研究。西哥特国王希瑟布特在613年发布的诏书中，命令对伊比利亚和法国南部领土上的所有犹太人进行强制洗礼，这是西哥特在阿里乌斯派西哥特国王雷卡雷德一世（586-601）于587年皈依天主教后对犹太人政策的象征。在皈依之前，于410年征服半岛的阿里乌派西哥特人对其犹太臣民采取了相对宽容的政策。天主教西哥特人无视教皇格雷戈里大帝（604年）敦促容忍和保护犹太社区的书信。雷卡雷德批准了托莱多第三次会议（589年）的决定，强制要求所有混血儿接受洗礼，并禁止犹太人担任公职。随后的托莱多教会会议进一步贬低了犹太人的法律地位，规定限制犹太教仪式，用石头砸死犹太叛教者（653），驱逐或奴役所有拒绝皈依基督教的犹太人，并没收他们的财产（694）。西哥特人对犹太人的迫害直接影响了犹太人对伊斯兰统治的接受，当时穆斯林军队在8世纪初开始入侵半岛。许多犹太人被迫留在被征服的城镇的驻军中负责管理。
The history of the Jews in the Iberian Peninsula presents a contrasting study of the fate of this community under Christian and Islamic rule. The edict issued by the Visigoth king Sisebut in 613 ordering the forced baptism of all Jews in the territories of Iberia and southern France was symptomatic of Visigothic policy toward the Jews in the period following the conversion of the Arian Visigoth king Reccared (r. 586–601) to Catholic Christianity in 587. Prior to their conversion the Arian Visigoths, who conquered the peninsula in 410, had followed a policy of relative tolerance of their Jewish subjects. Catholic Visigoths disregarded Pope Gregory the Great’s (d. 604) epistles urging the tolerance and protection of Jewish communities. Reccared approved the decisions of the Third Council of Toledo (589) to compel the baptism of all children of mixed marriages and forbid Jews to hold public office. Subsequent church councils of Toledo debased the legal status of the Jews further, stipulating the suppression of Jewish rites, the stoning to death of Jewish apostates (653), the expulsion or enslavement of all Jews who refused to convert to Christianity, and the confiscation of their property (694). Visigothic persecution of the Jews directly influenced the Jewish acceptance of Islamic rule when Muslim forces began invading the peninsula at the beginning of the eighth century. Many Jews were left in charge of the garrisons of conquered towns and cities.
犹太人在伊比利亚基督教化地区的存在与各个基督教王国的兴起和扩张以及从穆斯林手中重新征服的领土的皇家政策密不可分。在11至13世纪对伊斯兰伊比利亚的重大征服和穆斯林贡品的注入之前，卡斯蒂利亚、莱昂、纳瓦拉、阿拉贡和葡萄牙等新兴基督教王国与他们的穆斯林对手相比相对贫穷。基督教国王看到了保留和吸引犹太人到他们的王国以从他们的商业活动中获益的经济优势。我们也不能忘记，在整个半岛的历史上，这些王国一直在为分割战利品和以牺牲其他国家为代价扩大自己的领土而相互争斗。因此，与本国境内的犹太社区保持良好关系有利于政治上的实用主义。
The Jewish presence in Christian Iberia was inextricably linked to the emergence and expansion of the various Christian kingdoms and royal policies of repopulating territories reconquered from the Muslims. Until the major conquests of Islamic Iberia in the 11th to 13th centuries and the infusion of Muslim tribute money, the emerging Christian kingdoms of Castile, León, Navarre, Aragon, and Portugal were relatively poor compared to their Muslim rivals. Christian kings saw the economic advantages of retaining and attracting Jews to their kingdoms to benefit from their mercantile activities. Nor must it be forgotten that throughout the peninsula’s history these kingdoms were continuously at war with each other over the division of the spoils and the expansion of their own territories at the expense of the others. Consequently, good relations with the Jewish communities within one’s realm served political pragmatism.
为了达到这些目的，伊比利亚的基督教统治者遵循一种普遍的模式，即向犹太社区颁发可更新的皇家特许证（fueros），给予他们经济和政治特权，越来越多地明确损害穆德哈尔（指的是西班牙复国运动之后未曾离开该国但也未改信的安达卢斯穆斯林。此外这个也可以指结合了穆斯林和基督教建筑风格的穆德哈尔建筑，这是12世纪开始伊比利亚半岛的主流建筑风格，其影响力延续到17世纪），或受基督教统治的被征服的穆斯林人的利益。从11世纪开始，犹太人越来越多地被视为君主的个人财产（servi camare regis）。与法国、德国和意大利的情况一样，伊比利亚王室向犹太人提供经济特权和公民权利的政策，促进了犹太人的同化和犹太人与基督徒之间的积极社会接触，但有时与教会的利益发生冲突，后者努力实施对犹太人的社会隔离和对他们的民事征服。王室和教会政策有利于犹太人的典型例子包括卡斯蒂利亚的加西亚·费尔南德斯伯爵于974年颁布的《卡斯特罗赫里斯宪章》，以及1020年在阿方索五世国王（999-1027年）领导下的莱昂会议上批准的宪章。这两份宪章都将犹太人置于与基督教公民同等的地位，允许前者拥有财产并自由从事农业和商业活动。由于对这种自由的法律所带来的犹太人和基督徒之间的积极共存有所警惕，Coyanza会议（1050年）决定恢复西哥特式的立法，禁止犹太人和基督徒之间的社会交往和同居关系。
To these ends Iberian Christian rulers followed a general pattern of issuing renewable royal charters (fueros) to Jewish communities granting them economic and political privileges, increasingly to the express detriment of the Mudejars, or conquered Muslim populations subjected to Christian rule. Increasingly from the 11th century, the Jews were regarded as the personal property of the monarch (servi camare regis). As in the cases of France, Germany, and Italy, Iberian royal policy of offering economic privileges and civilian rights to the Jews, which fostered Jewish assimilation and positive social contacts between Jews and Christians, sometimes clashed with the interests of the church, which strove to enforce the social segregation of the Jews and their civil subjugation. Typical examples of royal and ecclesiastical policies favorable to the Jews include the fuero of Castrojeriz, issued in 974 by Count García Fernández of Castile, and the charter ratified at the Council of León in 1020 under the leadership of King Alfonso V (r. 999–1027). Both charters placed Jews virtually on par with Christian citizens, permitting the former to own property and to engage freely in agriculture and commerce. Wary of the positive coexistence between Jews and Christians that such liberal laws engendered, the Council of Coyanza (1050) decided to revive the Visigothic legislation prohibiting social interaction and cohabitation between Jews and Christians.
在卡斯蒂利亚对被削弱和分裂的穆斯林王国发动的攻势中，犹太人社区在政治和经济上受益匪浅，这一攻势始于1085年对托莱多的胜利征服，随着1212年在纳瓦斯德托洛萨战役击败阿尔摩哈德（穆瓦希德）柏柏尔人而达到高潮。阿方索六世（1065-1109年）在1085年确保了对托莱多的征服，这在很大程度上是由于他对该市繁荣的犹太人口颁布了有利的政策，从而损害了被征服的穆斯林的利益。阿方索六世不仅赋予其领地内的犹太人以基督教公民的全部权利，而且还赋予他们以贵族的法律地位和特权。犹太人从没收的穆斯林财产和清真寺中获益，并拥有许多奴隶。具有讽刺意味的是，犹太人在这些新征服地区的法律地位和自治权与他们在穆斯林统治下享有的迪米人地位非常相似，因为基督教国王采用了伊斯兰教的“宫廷拉比”（rab de la corte或rab mayor）制度。为了感谢这种优惠待遇，犹太士兵与卡斯蒂利亚军队并肩作战，尽管他们在视觉上以黄色和黑色的头巾来区分。虽然卡斯蒂利亚的广大基督教徒在繁荣和军事成功的时候不情愿地默认了皇室对犹太人的偏爱，但相反的情况却为他们释放对犹太人的怒火提供了动机。灾难性的乌克莱斯战役（1108年）之后就是这种情况，战后托莱多及其周边地区爆发了反犹太暴乱，导致犹太教堂被烧毁，许多犹太人被杀害。
Jewish communities benefited politically and economically during the Castilian offensive against the weakened and divided Muslim kingdoms, which began with the victorious conquest of Toledo in 1085 and climaxed with the defeat of the Almohad Berbers at Navas de Tolosa in 1212. Alfonso VI (r. 1065–1109) secured his conquest of Toledo in 1085 in large measure as a result of the favorable policies he enacted toward the city’s thriving Jewish population to the detriment of the conquered Muslims. Alfonso VI not only granted Jews of his domain the full rights of Christian citizens, he also granted them the legal status and privileges of the nobility. Jews now benefited from the confiscation of Muslim property and mosques and owned many as slaves. Ironically, the legal status and autonomy of the Jews in these newly conquered realms closely resembled the dhimmi status they had enjoyed under the Muslims, since the Christian kings adopted the Islamic institution of the “chief rabbi,” rab de la corte or rab mayor. In gratitude for this preferential treatment, Jewish soldiers fought alongside the Castilian forces, albeit visually distinguished by their yellow and black turbans. While the wider Christian population of Castile reluctantly acquiesced to royal favoritism toward the Jews in times of prosperity and military success, the contrary situation provided the motive to release their fury against them. Such was the case after the disastrous Battle of Ucles (1108), in the aftermath of which anti-Jewish riots erupted in Toledo and its environs, resulting in the burning of synagogues and the murder of many Jews.
《Handbook To Life in The Medieval World》（2008）
By Madeleine Pelner Cosman and Linda Gale Jones
未完待续！
