Byzantium at War AD 600-1453（战争中的拜占庭：公元600-1453年）（9）
作者：John Haldon约翰·哈尔顿
出版商：Routledge Taylor & Francis Group
自翻：流潋紫琳
Pre-emptive attacks
先发制人的攻击
Part of the imperial defensive strategy entailed launching pre-emptive strikes against the enemy, partly aimed at containment, partly at the reassertion of Roman ideological power. Some of these attacks were successful, some less so. Among the bleakest episodes in the history of the empire is the attack launched against the Bulgars by the Emperor Nikephoros 1 in 811, which ended in both the death of the Emperor and a crushing defeat. Nikephoros, who had been the chief finance officer of the empress Eirene, came to the throne in 802 and appears to have wished to defeat the Bulgars so comprehensively that the Bulgar khanate could he recovered for the empire.An expedition in 809 had reached the Bulgar capital at Pliska in north-east Bulgaria, and sacked it. The expedition of 811 was intended to establish a more permanent Roman presence in the region. Nikephoros ordered the assembly of a large force made up from contingents from the Asia Minor armies supplemented by troops from the European themata and the imperial guards units, the tagmata. There was a ceremonial aspect to the whole affair, since the Emperor took victory for granted after the easy win in 809, and as well as the soldiers a large number of courtiers and palace officials also accompanied the expedition. But the imperial troops were eventually drawn into an ambush, where during a night attack they were utterly routed. The defeat was one of the blackest days of imperial history, no Less of a catastrophe than the battle of Adrianople in 378 at which the Emperor Valens had died fighting the Goths. The Bulgar khan became the most dangerous enemy the empire had to face for the next few years, and was able to lay siege to Constantinople itself in 813.
（帝国防御战略的一部分包括对敌人发动先发制人的打击，部分目的是遏制，部分目的是重新确立罗马的意识形态力量。这些攻击有些是成功的，有些则不然。 帝国历史上最惨淡的事件之一是 811 年尼基弗鲁斯一世皇帝对保加利亚人发动的袭击，以皇帝的死和惨败告终。802 年，曾担任艾琳女皇首席财务官的尼基弗鲁斯即位，他似乎希望全面击败保加利亚人，以至于他可以为帝国收复保加利亚汗国。公元 809 年，一支远征队抵达保加利亚东北部普利斯卡的保加利亚首都，并将其洗劫一空。811 远征的目的是在该地区建立更持久的罗马存在。尼基弗鲁斯下令集结一支由小亚细亚军队的特遣队组成的大部队，辅以来自欧洲军区和皇家卫队的泰斯马塔部队。整个事件是有仪式感的，因为在809年轻松获胜后，皇帝认为胜利是理所当然的，除了士兵之外，还有一大批朝臣和宫廷官员也随行。但帝国军队最终陷入伏击，在夜间袭击中被彻底击溃。这次失败是帝国历史上最黑暗的日子之一，与 378 年的阿德里安堡之战一样，是一场灾难，瓦伦斯皇帝在与哥特人的战斗中丧生。保加利亚可汗成为帝国接下来几年必须面对的最危险的敌人，并于 813 年围攻君士坦丁堡。）
Offensive warfare
进攻战
Given the empire's strategic problems noted already, most fighting could be justified in some way or other as 'defensive', even where it was clearly aggressively motivated. Such were the wars waged in the later 10th and early 11th centuries against the Bulgars and the Rus', for example, when the justification for war was both the rejection of previously agreed arrangements which were seen by the Emperor as dishonourable, the threat which ensued from the Bulgars to the imperial territories in Thrace, and the involvement of the Rus'. In the autumn of 965, and following the conquest by Byzantine armies of the islands of Crete and Cyprus, as well as of Cilicia in southern Asia Minor arid its incorporation into the empire, Bulgarian envoys arrived at the court of the Emperor. Their purpose was to request the payment of the 'tribute' paid by Constantinople to the Bulgar tsar as part of the guarantee for the long-lasting peace which had been established after the death of the Tsar Symeon in 927. But the empire was in a very different position since the time at which the original agreement had been made. The Emperor Nikephoros 11 Phokas (963-69), reflecting the outrage represented by the presumptive demand of the Bulgarians, had the envoys sent home in disgrace. Instead of paying, he despatched a small force to demolish a number of Bulgarian frontier posts, and then called in his allies to the north, the Kiev Rus', to attack the Bulgars in the rear.
（鉴于帝国已经注意到的战略问题，大多数战斗都可以以某种方式被证明为“防御性”，即使它显然是出于积极的动机。这就是 10 世纪后期和 11 世纪初期对保加利亚人和罗斯人发动的战争，例如，当战争的理由既是拒绝先前同意的被皇帝视为不光彩的安排时，随之而来的威胁 从保加利亚人到色雷斯的帝国领土，以及罗斯人的参与。965 年秋，在拜占庭军队征服克里特岛和塞浦路斯岛以及小亚细亚南部的西里西亚并将其并入帝国之后，保加利亚使节来到了皇帝的宫廷。 他们的目的是要求支付君士坦丁堡向保加利亚沙皇支付的“贡品”，作为对 927 年沙皇西缅去世后建立的持久和平的保证的一部分。与最初的协议达成之时的立场截然不同。尼基弗罗斯 11 福卡斯皇帝 (963-69) 反映了保加利亚人的推定要求所代表的愤怒，让使节蒙羞地被遣送回家。他没有付钱，而是派遣了一支小部队摧毁了一些保加利亚边境哨所，然后召集他的北方盟友基辅罗斯进攻后方的保加利亚人。）
The steppe region stretching from the plain of Hungary eastwards through south Russia and north of the Caspian was very important in imperial diplomacy. The home of many nomadic peoples, mostly of Turkic stock, it was always important to keep these peoples well disposed towards the empire. Constantinople had been able to establish good relations with the Chazars from the 630s, whose khans remained faithful allies of most Byzantine Emperors. Their strategic significance was great: they were frequently invited to attack the Bulgars from the north, for example, and exerted crucial pressure on the latter at key moments. They also kept the empire informed of developments to the east, in central Asia. But the Chazar empire contracted during the later 9th century, as various peoples to the east were set in motion by the expansion of the Turkic Pechenegs, who established themselves in the steppe region between the Danube and Don. The empire continued to follow the same policy, of course, now with the Pechenegs, whose value as a check on both the Rus' and the Magyars was obvious. Yet they were a dangerous ally.
（从匈牙利平原向东延伸到俄罗斯南部和里海以北的草原地区在帝国外交中非常重要。许多游牧民族的家园，主要是突厥血统，让这些民族对帝国保持良好的态度总是很重要的。从 630 年代起，君士坦丁堡就能够与查扎尔建立良好关系，查扎尔的可汗仍然是大多数拜占庭皇帝的忠实盟友。他们的战略意义重大：他们经常被邀请从北方进攻保加利亚人，并在关键时刻对后者施加关键压力。 他们还向帝国通报东方、中亚的发展情况。但查扎尔帝国在 9 世纪后期收缩，因为突厥佩切涅格人在多瑙河和顿河之间的草原地区建立了自己的扩张，从而推动了东方的各个民族。帝国继续遵循同样的政策，当然，现在对佩切涅格人来说，他们作为对罗斯和马扎尔人的制衡的价值是显而易见的。然而，他们是一个危险的盟友。）
The Rus' were an amalgamation of Scandinavian settlers and warriors with indigenous Slavic peoples along the rivers of central and western Russia. During the 9th century they had grown to be an important political power, and by the 850s and 860s their Longships were regularly entering the Black Sea. In the early 10th century, and following some hostilities, trading agreements were concluded with the empire. This developed into an alliance from the middle of the 10th century, so that when Nikephoros II asked for their support in 966, their ambitious and warlike prince Svyatoslav was only too willing to agree. in 968 he arrived on the Danube and easily defeated the Bulgarian forces sent against him. in 969 he had to return to Kiev to repulse an attack from the Pechenegs, but returned later in the year and, rapidly occupying northern and eastern Bulgaria, he deposed the tsar, Boris 11, and incorporated Bulgaria into his own domain.
（罗斯人是斯堪的纳维亚定居者和战士与俄罗斯中部和西部河流沿岸的土著斯拉夫民族的混合体。在 9 世纪，他们已经成长为一个重要的政治力量，到了 850 和 860 年代，他们的维京长船定期进入黑海。在 10 世纪初，在一些敌对行动之后，与帝国签订了贸易协议。这从 10 世纪中叶发展成为联盟，因此当尼基弗鲁斯二世在 966 年请求他们的支持时，他们雄心勃勃且好战的王子斯维亚托斯拉夫非常愿意同意。968年，他抵达多瑙河，轻松击败了保加利亚派来反对他的军队。969 年，他不得不返回基辅以击退佩切涅格人的进攻，但在当年晚些时候返回并迅速占领了保加利亚北部和东部，废黜了沙皇鲍里斯 11世，并将保加利亚并入他的领土。）
This was not a part of the Emperor's original plan. In vain he attempted to establish an alliance with the defeated Bulgars, but towards the end of 969 the Emperor was assassinated, and his successor, John 1 Tzimiskes, had to confront the difficult task of removing this potentially far more dangerous foe. Some of the Bulgar nobility saw a chance to recover their independence of the Byzantine state and its culture by working with the Rus'. Svyatoslav sent the new Emperor an ultimatum to evacuate all the European provinces and confine the empire to Asia alone, who realised that immediate action was essential. In the spring of 970 a large Rus' force invaded Thrace, sacking the fortress of Philippoupolis (mod. Plovdiv) and moving on down the road to Constantinople.
（这不是皇帝最初计划的一部分。他试图与战败的保加利亚人建立联盟，但徒劳无功，但在 969 年底皇帝被暗杀，他的继任者约翰一世 (John 1 Tzimiskes) 不得不面临铲除这个潜在的危险得多的敌人的艰巨任务。 一些保加利亚贵族看到了通过与罗斯合作来恢复他们对拜占庭国家及其文化的独立性的机会。 斯维亚托斯拉夫向新皇帝发出最后通牒，要求撤离所有欧洲省份并将帝国仅局限于亚洲，他意识到立即采取行动至关重要。970 年春天，一支庞大的罗斯军队入侵了色雷斯，洗劫了菲利普波利斯的堡垒（普罗夫迪夫），并沿着通往君士坦丁堡的道路前进。）
The war that followed involved the assembling of a major imperial army, delaying tactics to distract and divert enemy resources and, eventually, the complete defeat of the Rus' force and the return of Svyatoslav to his own territories (although he was killed by Pecheneg raiders on the way home). It was a war fought initially as a result of a rejection of what the empire's rulers saw as an outdated and humiliating agreement with an inferior neighbour, but which quickly turned into a major offensive. The result was, on the one hand, the reincorporation of substantial parts of eastern Bulgaria up to the Danube into imperial territory. On the other, the Byzantine victory encouraged the development of a new independence movement and the rise, during the 970s and 980s, of a new Bulgarian empire which, under its tsar Samuel, was to be the major foreign threat to imperial power until the beginning of the 11th century. Only as a result of the tireless campaigning of the Emperor Basil 11, culminating in a final victory in 1014 and the total recovery of all the territory once held by the empire in the Balkans up to the Danube, was peace re-established, and the Balkans became once more an entirely Roman - from the point of view of political and military control - territory.
（随后的战争包括集结一支主要的帝国军队，拖延战术以分散和转移敌人的资源，最终，罗斯军队彻底失败，斯维亚托斯拉夫返回了他自己的领土(尽管他在回家的路上被Pecheneg的袭击者杀死)。这场战争最初是由于帝国统治者拒绝了与一个次等邻国签订的过时且屈辱的协议，但很快就演变成了一场重大进攻。结果是，一方面，保加利亚东部直到多瑙河的大部分地区重新并入帝国领土。另一方面，拜占庭的胜利鼓励了一场新的独立运动的发展，在970和980年代，一个新的保加利亚帝国的崛起，在其沙皇塞缪尔的领导下，直到11世纪初，它一直是皇权的主要外来威胁。只有在巴兹尔皇帝不知疲倦的战斗中，终于在1014年取得了最后的胜利，完全收复了巴尔干半岛直到多瑙河的所有领土，和平才得以恢复。从政治和军事控制的角度来看，巴尔干半岛再次成为罗马人的领土。）
A major shift in strategy followed these successes as well as successes against Islamic powers in the east. The establishment of a system of alliances or buffer states made the maintenance of expensive standing forces, which constituted a great drain on the treasury, less necessary. Economic and cultural influence could be employed in addition to the threat of military action to maintain peace along the Danube, and similar policies were applied in the east. The Emperors pursued a foreign policy which placed greater reliance on vassals and neighbouring powers supplying troops, thus limiting the demand on the empire's own resources. But in the 1040s and afterwards this strategy broke down, largely because the balance between diplomacy and military strength was damaged by civil war and provincial rebellion, in turn a reflection of important shifts in the social and political structure of the empire. The provincial or thematic militias had been neglected in favour of full-time, regionally recruited tagmata, better suited to the sort of offensive warfare the empire had been waging since the 950s; while reductions in the military budget encouraged a greater dependence on foreign mercenary troops, especially of western knights - Franks, Germans and Normans. In 1071 such an army of mixed Byzantine and foreign troops under the Emperor Romanos IV suffered a defeat at the hands of the invading Seljuk Turks near the fortress of Mantzikert in eastern Asia Minor not a great disaster from a purely military perspective. Yet the civil war and internal disruption that followed gave the invading Turks a free hand in central Asia Minor, which was never again fully recovered. Emperors from Alexios I onward spent the period from the 1080s until the 1180s attempting to recover the situation but, in the end, without success. The wars of the period were fought increasingly using western tactics and panoply, but with elements of a still clearly Byzantine or east Roman tactical organisation - contemporaries continue to remark on the order, cohesion and discipline with which the multi-ethnic and colourful Byzantine armies still fought.
（在取得这些成功以及对抗东方伊斯兰势力的成功之后，战略发生了重大转变。 建立联盟或缓冲国家体系使得维持昂贵的常备部队变得没有必要，这对国库造成了巨大的消耗。除了军事行动的威胁外，还可以利用经济和文化影响来维持多瑙河沿岸的和平，并且在东部也采用了类似的政策。皇帝奉行的外交政策更加依赖附庸和邻国提供军队，从而限制了对帝国自身资源的需求。但在 1040 年代及之后，这一战略失败了，主要是因为内战和省叛乱破坏了外交和军事力量之间的平衡，这反过来又反映了帝国社会和政治结构的重要转变。省级或专题民兵被忽视，取而代之的是全职、地区招募的塔格马塔，更适合帝国自 950 年代以来发动的那种进攻性战争；而军事预算的减少鼓励了对外国雇佣军的更大依赖，尤其是西方骑士——法兰克人、德国人和诺曼人。1071 年，罗马诺斯四世 (Romanos IV) 领导下的一支由拜占庭和外国军队混合组成的军队在小亚细亚东部的曼茨克特堡垒附近被入侵的塞尔柱土耳其人击败，从纯粹的军事角度来看，这并不是一场大灾难。然而，随之而来的内战和内部混乱让入侵的土耳其人在小亚细亚中部放开了手，小亚细亚再也没有完全恢复。从 1080 年代到 1180 年代，阿莱克修斯一世之后的皇帝试图恢复局势，但最终没有成功。这一时期的战争越来越多地使用西方战术和全副武装，但仍带有明显的拜占庭或东罗马战术组织的元素——同时代人继续评论多民族和色彩缤纷的拜占庭军队的秩序、凝聚力和纪律战斗了。）
Byzantium went to war for many reasons in practical terms - perceived military threats to the frontier, responses to actual invasion and raiding from hostile neighbours, as well as ideologically motivated wars in which justification depended on notions of what territories used to be Roman and could be legitimately recovered, and on ideas about ideological challenges to the Christian Roman world view. The wars of reconquest in the later 10th century were in part motivated and justified on the latter grounds, for example, even though in Byzantium no notion of 'holy war' as such ever really evolved.
（实际上，拜占庭因许多原因参战——感知到对边境的军事威胁、对敌对邻国的实际入侵和袭击的反应，以及出于意识形态动机的战争，其中的正当性取决于哪些领土曾经是罗马和可能是罗马的概念。合法地恢复，以及关于对基督教罗马世界观的意识形态挑战的想法。例如，10 世纪后期的收复战争部分是出于后一种理由的，尽管在拜占庭并没有真正发展出“圣战”的概念。）
未完待续
