拜占庭军队的招募与征兵 C. 550-950（4）

作者：John·F· Haldon  约翰·F·哈尔顿
出版商：1979年维也纳奥地利科学院出版  

接上

When Heraclius became emperor in 610, the imperial forces in the East were in a state of disorganisation, if not of chaos. Phocas’ reign had seen a series of military set-backs in both East and West. The rebellion of the former magister militum per Orientem, Narses, in 603, and Persian attacks which thrust into the eastern provinces and Anatolia almost yearly from 604, led to a succession of reverses. The armies in Armenia and the East were defeated on several occasions, while the praesental troops also met defeat on at least one occasion in 609 near Antioch.26 The situation as it was at the end of 610, when Heraclius replaced Phocas, has recently been analysed by Kaegi, who draws attention to further internal discord after Heraclius’ coronation.27 Of the Byzantine forces in the East, there was at least one cohesive division in Anatolia under Comentiolus, another brother of Phocas; but apart from this, and the troops of Nicetas in Egypt, we hear of no major Byzantine armies. The events which followed reinforce such a view; not only had Heraclius no substantial force with which to oppose Comentiolus; Prisons, who succeeded to the command of the latter’s army, bottled the Persians up in Caesarea for a year, but received no reinforcements, and when the Persians broke out, they faced a clear route home.

        公元 610 年赫拉克利乌斯即位时，东方帝国的势力即使不是混乱，也处于混乱状态。 福卡斯的统治在东西方都经历了一系列军事挫折。  603 年，前东方总督军的叛乱，纳尔塞斯，以及从 604 年起几乎每年都向东部省份和安纳托利亚发起的波斯袭击，导致了一连串的逆转。 亚美尼亚和东方的军队数次被击败，而 609 年安条克附近的普雷森塔尔军队也至少有一次失败。 26 610 年末希拉克略取代福卡斯时的情况，最近 由 Kaegi 分析，他提请注意在赫拉克略加冕后进一步的内部不和。27 在东方的拜占庭军队中，安纳托利亚至少有一个由福卡斯的另一位兄弟科门蒂奥罗斯领导的统一师。 但除此之外，还有尼塞塔斯在埃及的军队，我们没有听说有拜占庭军队。 随后发生的事件强化了这种观点； 赫拉克略不仅没有强大的力量来反对康门泰罗斯； 接替后者指挥权的监狱将波斯人关押在凯撒利亚一年，但没有得到任何增援，当波斯人爆发时，他们面临着一条清晰的回家之路。

After the Persian escape from Caesarea, Roman troops remained in Cappadocia and Cilicia, which now constituted a frontier zone, while the Persians proceeded to occupy all the eastern provinces and to take most of the major cities outside Asia Minor during the following six or seven years, with little opposition except that offered by small local units and garrisons.

        波斯人逃离凯撒利亚后，罗马军队留在卡帕多西亚和奇里乞亚，这两个地区现在构成了一个边境地带，而波斯人则在接下来的六七年里占领了东部所有省份并占领了小亚细亚以外的大部分主要城市 ，除了当地小型单位和驻军提供的反对意见外，几乎没有反对意见。

Heraclius’ re-organisation of the empire’s military resources does not appear to have begun in earnest until 621/622, when he transferred the majority of the troops left in Europe to Asia Minor.30 Apart from the united field forces — those in Cilicia and Cappadocia— now under Heraclius’ personal command, there were only isolated groups and garrisons scattered throughout Asia Minor and in the few eastern cities which had managed to avoid capture by the Persians. According to George of Pisidia, the various units in Anatolia flocked to Heraclius’ standard. He re-organised these troops, and embarked upon a period of training and exercising the reformed army.31 While the troops in Anatolia were certainly in no condition to undertake offensive operations, they had by no means lost all order; for when Heraclius arrived in Bithynia, he informed them by letter of the assembly point, and it appears that they were able to march to his standard fairly quickly.

        赫拉克略对帝国军事资源的重组似乎直到 621/622 才真正开始，当时他将留在欧洲的大部分军队转移到小亚细亚。 30 除了统一的野战部队——那些在西里西亚和 卡帕多西亚——现在在赫拉克略的个人指挥下，只有孤立的团体和驻军散布在整个小亚细亚和少数设法避免被波斯人占领的东部城市。 根据皮西迪亚的乔治的说法，安纳托利亚的各个单位都涌向了赫拉克略的标准。 他重新组织了这些部队，开始了一段时期训练和锻炼改革后的军队。31 虽然安纳托利亚的部队肯定没有条件进行进攻，但他们并没有完全失去秩序； 因为当赫拉克略到达比提尼亚时，他通过信件通知了他们集合地点，看来他们能够很快地达到他的标准。

The troops were reformed in central Asia Minor. So much is clear from Sebeos’ statement that Heraclius sent orders to the troops to gather at Caesarea in Cappadocia, taken but later abandoned by the Persians, to which he travelled from Pylai, near Chalcedon. From there Theophanes reports that Heraclius marched έπ ι τά ς τω ν δ εμά τω ν χώ ρ ας.

        军队在小亚细亚中部进行了改革。  Sebeos 的声明清楚地表明，赫拉克略下令部队在卡帕多西亚的凯撒利亚集结，但后来被波斯人带走但后来放弃了，他从查克顿附近的皮莱前往那里。 从那里 Theophanes 报告希拉克略行军 έπ ι τά ς τω ν δ εμά τω ν χώ ρ ας。

This phrase has been the subject of a great deal of scholarly debate, for Theophanes may be referring here to the later themata or military provinces. The word thema also occurs in Theophanes’ text for the year 611/612, a passage convincingly re-dated by Oikonomides to the year 626. Ostrogorsky suggested that Theophanes’ second mention may be used in a fixed geographical sense, of the themata as both military and civil districts.

          这个短语一直是大量学术辩论的主题，因为 Theophanes 在这里可能指的是后来的 themata 或军事省份。  Thema 一词也出现在 Theophanes 611/612 年的文本中，Oikonomides 令人信服地将这段文字重新标注为 626 年。 军区和民用区。

In spite of his arguments, the most that can be said about the use of the word thema at this time is that it means military units, corps and divisions of armies. Heraclius examined the themata in 611/612 (now 626/627 after Oikonomides), and he established his headquarters in the districts where they were billeted in 621/622. Baynes’ original proposal that the term is used anachronistically by Theophanes has been refuted by Oikonomid.es; but the latter goes on to assert that the themata were by 626/627 military districts based on new methods of recruitment introduced by Heraclius in’ 622. If this were the case, the phrase έπ ί τά ς τω ν θ εμά τω ν χώ ρ ας would have to mean that Heraclius did a grand tour of Asia Minor, visiting several regions distant from one another. On the evidence of Sebeos and George of Pisidia it cannot be interpreted in this way. Heraclius marched to Cappadocia — to Caesarea — where he set up his headquarters and began the re-organisation of his troops.

        尽管有他的论点，但目前关于 thema 一词的使用最多可以说是指军事单位、军团和军队的师。 赫拉克略在 611/612 年（现在是 626/627 年奥科诺米德斯之后）检查了 themata，并在 621/622 年他们在那里被安置的地区建立了他的总部。  Baynes 最初提出 Theophanes 不合时宜地使用该术语的提议已被 Oikonomid.es 驳斥； 但后者继续断言，根据赫拉克利乌斯在 622 年引入的新招募方法，themata 是 626/627 军区的。如果是这种情况，短语 έπ ί τά ς τω ν θ εμά τω ν χώ ρ  ας 的意思是赫拉克略对小亚细亚进行了一次盛大的旅行，访问了几个彼此相距遥远的地区。 根据 Sebeos 和 Pisidia 的 George 的证据，不能这样解释。 赫拉克略进军卡帕多西亚——凯撒利亚——在那里他建立了自己的总部并开始重组他的部队。

In fact, the evidence adduced for the existence of a “thematic” military organisation established under Heraclius demonstrates simply a change in terminology which had begun already in the later sixth century, and which accompanied a change in the tactical structure of the field armies undertaken during the reigns of Tiberius Constantine and Maurice.36 The appearance of words such as το ύ ρ μα, θ έμα and δ ρ ο ύ γγο ς — the first of Latin, the second of Greek and the third of Germanic origin — to describe divisions of the army; the subsequent creation of new titles to describe the officers in charge of them (το υ ρ μά ρ χη ς and δ ρ ο υ γγά ρ ιο ς) are to be seen as a reflection of such changes, and perhaps also as the adoption of everyday soldiers’ terms in official parlance.37 At the same time, a process of linguistic hellenisation was going on, which served to freeze to some extent the technical terminology of the later sixth century. It is significant that virtually all the technical terms and titles associated with the later thematic organisation are already present in the Strategikon. — βά ν δ ο ν , δ ρ ο ύ γγο ς, κ ό μη ς/τρ ιβο ΰ ν ο ς, βαν δ ο φ ό ρ ο ς, κ εν τά ρ χη ς, δ εκ ά ρ χη ς and so forth — a mixture of Latin, German and Greek words.

        事实上，关于在赫拉克利乌斯领导下建立的“主题”军事组织存在的证据仅仅表明了在 6 世纪后期已经开始的术语变化，并且伴随着在 το ύ ρ μα、θ έμα 和 δ ρ ο ύ γγο ς 等词的出现——第一个来自拉丁语，第二个来自希腊语，第三个来自日耳曼语 军队; 随后创建的新头衔来描述负责他们的官员（το υ ρ μά ρ χη ς 和 δ ρ ο υ γγά ρ ιο ς）将被视为这种变化的反映，也许也被视为采用 官方用语中的日常士兵术语。与此同时，语言希腊化的过程正在进行中，这在一定程度上冻结了 6 世纪后期的技术术语。 重要的是，与后来的专题组织相关的几乎所有技术术语和标题都已经出现在 Strategikon 中。  — βά ν δ ο ν , δ ρ ο ύ γγο ς, κ ό μη ς/τρ ιβο ΰ ν ο ς, βαν δ ο φ ό ρ ο ς, κ εν τά ρ χη ς, ά δ so 第四——拉丁语、德语和希腊语的混合词。

Oikonomides has recently argued in favour of Ostrogorsky’s thesis and, as I have already mentioned, proposed that by 626/627 the themata were military provinces, whose forces were raised by new methods of recruitment introduced by Heraclius in or shortly before 622.39 In addition to the objections already raised, and the extensive evidence for the continuity of both civil and military administrative forms familiar from the sixth century,40 there are a number of weaknesses in the argument. The case is based essentially on the appearance of the word thema for the first time in 621/622 and 626/627, and likewise of a logothetes in the latter year.41 He suggests that the two should be linked and that both are a result of a reform of Heraclius in which (a) recruitment was re-organised and based on military land-holdings, and (b) the post of logothetes tou stratidtikou was established to supervise the kodikes or themata.

        奥科诺米德斯最近支持奥斯特罗戈尔斯基的论点，并且正如我已经提到的，提出到 626/627 年的主题是军事省份，其部队是由赫拉克利乌斯在 622.39 年或之前引入的新招募方法筹集的。 已经提出的反对意见，以及 6 世纪熟悉的民事和军事行政形式的连续性的广泛证据，40 争论中存在一些弱点。 该案例主要基于 621/622 和 626/627 中第一次出现 thema 一词，以及后一年出现的 logothetes。41 他建议将这两者联系起来，并且两者都是结果 赫拉克略的改革，其中 (a) 重新组织招募并以军事土地持有为基础，以及 (b) 设立 logothetes tou stratidtikou 职位以监督 kodikes 或 themata。

A further objection Res in the time necessary to organise and administer the measurement and distribution of the envisaged holdings and to settle the soldiers. It seems unlikely that Heraclius could have accomplished all this before 621/622; especially in view of the activities of the Persians at this time; and George of Pisidia, who extols Heraclius’ efforts to restore discipline and morale among the soldiers, makes no mention of any such reforms, even obliquely. Surely he would not have missed an opportunity to praise the emperor’s beneficence and generosity such as this supposed reform would have presented.

        在组织和管理所设想财产的测量和分配以及安置士兵所需的时间内，进一步反对。 希拉克略在 621/622 之前完成这一切似乎不太可能。 尤其是考虑到波斯人此时的活动； 皮西迪亚的乔治称赞赫拉克略为恢复士兵的纪律和士气所做的努力，却没有提及任何此类改革，甚至是间接提及。 他当然不会错过一个机会来赞美皇帝的仁慈和慷慨，就像这种所谓的改革会呈现的那样。

Finally, Oikonomides suggests that the names of the later themata —Ά ρ μεν ιά κ ο ν, ’Α ν ατο λ ικ ό ν etc.— reflect the original recruitment of the soldiers from these areas. This geographical nomenclature has nothing to do with recruitment, however, but rather with the original areas in which the soldiers were stationed — that the two later became coterminous is, of course, a, different matter. For the real significance of these apparently regional names we need look no further than the armies of the magistri militum per Arme- niaon and per Orientem, as Diehl showed.

        最后，奥科诺米德斯认为，后来的 themata 的名称——Ά ρ μεν ιά κ ο ν、’Α ν ατο λ ικ ό ν 等——反映了最初从这些地区招募士兵的情况。 然而，这种地理命名法与招募无关，而是与士兵驻扎的原始地区有关——这两者后来合并当然是另一回事了。 要了解这些明显的地区名称的真正意义，我们只需看看亚美尼亚和东方的魔导师军队，正如迪尔所展示的那样。

In spite of Oikonomides’ plea, therefore, no evidence for a “Heraclian reform” of the wide-ranging nature envisaged has been produced. But this does not mean that Heraclius made no alterations at all in the administration of the army as he found it. Indeed, there is some evidence to suggest that he did introduce certain changes in the administration of recruitment, although not of the nature foreseen by Ostrogorsky.

        因此，尽管奥科诺米德斯提出了请求，但并未产生具有所设想的广泛性质的“赫拉克利亚改革”的证据。 但这并不意味着赫拉克利乌斯对军队的管理没有任何改变，正如他所发现的那样。 事实上，有一些证据表明他确实在招聘管理中引入了某些变化，尽管不是奥斯特罗戈尔斯基所预见的性质。

未完待续