(书籍翻译)第四次十字军东征 1202–04: 对拜占庭的背叛(二)
上一章


VENICE AND THE CRUSADERS
威尼斯与十字军
One state eventually dominated the story of the Fourth Crusade: the Republic of Venice. Until 1204 Venice remained theoretically part of the Byzantine Empire, though in practical terms its elected duke, or ‘doge’, was by now an independent ruler. On the other hand, a close and ancient association with Constantinople gave Venice huge commercial advantages over its rivals – to some extent even over the indigenous merchants of the Byzantine Empire. Lying along the vital Venetian trade route down the Adriatic Sea lay the rugged coast and multiple islands of Dalmatia, where a largely Italianized population had dominated towns and some stretches of coast since Roman times. For most of the early medieval period Dalmatia was dominated by the Byzantine Empire, often through its proxy, the Doge of Venice, as ‘Dux Dalmatie’. In practical terms this could result in Dalmatian towns promising fidelity to Venice in return for Venetian protection, while at the same time remaining effectively autonomous.
一个国家最终主导了第四次十字军东征的故事:威尼斯共和国。直到1204年,威尼斯在理论上仍然是拜占庭帝国的一部分,尽管在实际情况中,它选出的公爵,或称为 "doge"的,已是一个独立的统治者。另一方面,与君士坦丁堡密切且古老的联系使得威尼斯在商业上对其竞争对手具有巨大的优势——在某种程度上甚至超过了拜占庭帝国的本土商人。沿着威尼斯在亚得里亚海的重要贸易路线,是达尔马提亚崎岖不平的海岸和多个岛屿,自罗马时代以来,那里的城镇和一些海岸线上的居民基本上都是意大利人。在中世纪早期的大部分时间里,达尔马提亚被拜占庭帝国所控制,经常通过其代理人威尼斯总督作为 "达尔马提亚公爵 "进行统治。从实际情况来看,这可能导致达尔马提亚城镇承诺忠于威尼斯,以换取威尼斯的保护,但同时又保持有效的自治。

During the 12th century however, the joint Kingdom of Hungary and Croatia dominated much of Dalmatia. This the Venetians saw as a threat to their trade routes, and as a result two port-cities, Zadar (Zara) and Split (Spalato), became the focal points in a bitter rivalry; Venice generally dominated the former while Hungary dominated the latter. A short-lived Byzantine revival under the Comnenid emperors pushed back the Hungarians in the 1160s and 1170s, but Byzantine authority then collapsed again, leaving Venice to face a dangerous situation.
然而,在12世纪,匈牙利和克罗地亚的联合王国统治了达尔马提亚的大部分地区。威尼斯人认为这是对其贸易路线的威胁,因此,两个港口城市扎达尔(Zara)和斯普利特(Spalato)成为激烈竞争的焦点;威尼斯通常主宰前者而匈牙利主宰后者。在康涅狄格皇帝的领导下,拜占庭在1160年代和1170年代击退了匈牙利人,并实现了短暂的复兴,但拜占庭的权威随后再次崩溃,这使威尼斯面临着非常危险的局面。

Elsewhere in Europe, internal problems or hostility between major states meant that no king or emperor was available to take command of the new crusade. There had, for example, been a notable deterioration in relations between the Byzantine and Holy Roman Empires during the second half of the 12th century. The former was the direct heir of the eastern half of the ancient Roman Empire, while the latter claimed to be heir to the western half, as revived by Charlemagne in the 8th century. Nevertheless, the ruling dynasties of the Holy Roman and Byzantine Empires did forge dynastic links, which, though they achieved little, had an influence upon the course of the Fourth Crusade.
在欧洲其他地方,主要国家之间的内部问题或敌意意味着没有国王或皇帝可以指挥新的十字军东征。例如,在12世纪下半叶,拜占庭帝国和神圣罗马帝国之间的关系明显恶化了。前者是古罗马帝国东半部的直接继承人,而后者则声称是西半部的继承人,由查理曼大帝在8世纪恢复荣光。尽管如此,神圣罗马帝国和拜占庭帝国的统治王朝确实建立了王朝间的联系,这些联系虽然成果不大,但对第四次十字军东征的进程产生了影响。

The situation in France and England was even less encouraging for Pope Innocent III’s new crusade. King Richard of England died in 1199 and his brother, King John, inherited his quarrel with King Philip Augustus of France. As a result of this, official French and English participation in the expedition was impossible, though large numbers of French, Anglo-French and Anglo-Norman knights did take the cross. In fact, the year 1204, when the Byzantine capital fell under Crusader control, was also a very significant year in French and English history – Philip Augustus expelling his Anglo-Angevin rivals from all of France except for Gascony in the far south-west and the Channel Islands in the far north-west.
对比教皇英诺森三世的新十字军,法国和英国的情况更不乐观。英格兰国王理查德于1199年去世,他的弟弟约翰国王继承了他与法国国王菲利普-奥古斯都的矛盾。由于这个原因,法国和英国官方不可能参与远征,尽管大量的法国、英法和英诺曼骑士确实走上了十字军东征的道路。事实上,拜占庭首都落入十字军控制之下的1204年,也是法国和英国历史上非常重要的一年——菲利普-奥古斯都将他的对手盎格鲁-安格文从整个法国驱逐出去,除了最西南的加斯科尼和最西北的海峡群岛。

Another area that would play a major role in the forthcoming crusade, and its leadership, was Flanders. Though a feudal fiefdom of the Kingdom of France rather than an independent state, Flanders had become an important, wealthy and strongly urbanized part of Western Europe. During the decade before the Fourth Crusade the Count of Flanders’ power had declined and, despite being economically very developed, the area remained politically somewhat anarchic. The situation was further complicated by the neighboring counties of Flanders and Hainault having being ruled by one person since 1191, despite Flanders being within the Kingdom of France and Hainault being part of the German Empire.
另一个在即将到来的十字军东征中发挥重要作用的地区是佛兰德斯。虽然法兰德斯是法兰西王国的一个封地、而不是一个独立的国家,但它已成为西欧重要的、富有的和强烈城市化的一部分。在第四次十字军东征前的十年间,弗兰德斯伯爵的权力有所下降,尽管经济非常发达,但该地区在政治上仍然有些无政府的状态。尽管佛兰德斯属于法兰西王国,而海诺属于德意志帝国,但相邻的佛兰德斯和海诺郡自1191年以来一直由一个人统治,这使情况更加复杂。

Dalmatia was part of Croatia, which had been a joint kingdom with Hungary since 1102, and became the first victim of the Fourth Crusade despite the fact that King Imre of Hungary and Croatia had himself taken the cross. Much of Dalmatia was nevertheless outside any government’s control. Here the Latin aristocracy of the coastal cities despised the surrounding Slav peasantry and tribesmen. Each of the old Roman cities also retained their autonomy and frequently competed with each other, while loyalties were very localized, much as they were in Italy.
达尔马提亚是克罗地亚的一部分,自1102年以来,克罗地亚一直是匈牙利的一个联合王国,尽管匈牙利和克罗地亚的国王伊姆雷自己拿着十字架(基督教徒),但还是成为了第四次十字军东征的第一个受害者。然而,达尔马提亚的大部分地区却不在任何政府的控制之下。在这里,沿海城市的拉丁贵族鄙视周围的斯拉夫人农民和部落成员。每座古老的罗马城市也都保留着自己的自治权,并经常相互竞争,而忠诚度则非常地方化,就像在意大利一样。

Meanwhile, the relationship between Catholic Hungary and Orthodox Byzantium had long been close, though not always friendly. During the first half of the 12th century these two huge realms had been allies, after which Hungary found itself resisting Byzantine expansion until a sudden collapse of Byzantine power in the later 12th century. It was during these years that Hungary seized extensive territory in ex-Byzantine Serbia and regained much of Dalmatia, where it found itself in competition with Venice. The glorious reign of King Béla III ended in 1196, being followed by that of Béla’s son Imre (1196–1204), which saw civil war between the king and his younger brother Andrew. Meanwhile the pope urged Imre to lead a crusade against Bogomil heretics who had established themselves in Bosnia and various other parts of the Balkans.
与此同时,天主教匈牙利和东正教拜占庭之间的关系长期以来一直很密切,尽管并不总是友好。在12世纪上半叶,这两个巨大的王国曾是盟友,此后匈牙利发现自己在抵制拜占庭的扩张,直到12世纪后期拜占庭势力的突然崩溃。正是在这些年里,匈牙利在前拜占庭塞尔维亚夺取了大量领土,并重新获得了达尔马提亚的大部分地区,在那里它发现自己在与威尼斯竞争。贝拉三世的辉煌统治于1196年结束,紧随其后的是贝拉的儿子伊姆雷(1196-1204)的统治,该国王和他的弟弟安德鲁之间发生了内战。与此同时,教皇敦促伊姆雷领导十字军东征,打击在波斯尼亚和巴尔干半岛其他地区建立起来的博戈米尔异端分子。

The sudden decline of Byzantine imperial power in the later 12th century permitted the re-emergence of independent or autonomous entities across much of the Balkans. The first Albanian state emerged around 1190 under its own ‘archons’, or local leaders; this independence then being lost to the Byzantine Despotate of Epirus in 1216. In most of the Balkan Peninsula Orthodox Christianity provided a regional identity but no real unity, while this separateness from their western and northern neighbours was also reinforced by the Balkan peoples’ essentially Byzantine cultural heritage.
12世纪后期,拜占庭帝国力量的突然衰落使得巴尔干大部分地区重新出现了独立或自治的实体。第一个阿尔巴尼亚国家大约在1190年出现,由其自己的 "大主教 "或地方领导人领导;这种独立性在1216年被拜占庭的伊庇鲁斯专制国家所取代。在巴尔干半岛的大部分地区,东正教提供了一个区域身份,但没有真正的统一,而这种与西部和北部邻国的分离也因巴尔干人民本质上的拜占庭文化遗产而得到加强。

Like Albania, Bosnia and Serbia emerged as separate entities. However, much of what would later be the southern part of medieval Serbia initially exchanged Byzantine for Bulgarian domination. Furthermore, as Byzantine authority declined, so Hungarian pressure continued and a Hungarian army actually reached Sofia in the late 1180s. Indeed, competition between Byzantium and Hungary for domination over the lower-Danube region remained a feature of this period.
与阿尔巴尼亚一样,波斯尼亚和塞尔维亚也是作为独立实体出现的。然而,后来成为中世纪塞尔维亚南部地区的大部分地区最初以拜占庭换取保加利亚的统治。此外,随着拜占庭权威的下降,匈牙利的压力也在持续,一支匈牙利军队在1180年代末实际上已经到达索菲亚。事实上,拜占庭和匈牙利对多瑙河下游地区的统治权的竞争仍然是这一时期的一个特点。

The outbreak of a revolt in what is now Bulgaria in the mid-1180s then forced the Byzantines back to the Danube Delta on the Black Sea coast. Credit for initiating and leading this revolt, which resulted in the establishment of the ‘Second Bulgarian Empire’, remains a source of heated nationalistic debate between Bulgarians and Romanians, three peoples actually being involved: Romanian-speaking Vlachs, Turkish-speaking Kipchaqs (Cumans) and Slav-speaking Bulgarians. By the time of the Fourth Crusade a Byzantine counter-attack had faltered and the new state had emerged in the northern part of what is now Bulgaria, while Byzantine authority was restricted to the lowlands of eastern Thrace. In 1201 or 1202, as the Crusaders were mustering in the west, the Vlachs and Kipchaqs again raided Byzantine territory, getting dangerously close to Constantinople. This was followed by a peace agreement between the Byzantine emperor Alexios III and Bulgarian King Ivan II, otherwise known as Ioannitsa or as ‘Kaloyan the Romanslayer’. This remained the situation when the Fourth Crusade suddenly appeared on the scene in 1203.
11世纪80年代中期,保加利亚爆发了一场叛乱,然后迫使拜占庭人回到了黑海沿岸的多瑙河三角洲。发起和领导这次起义的首领,建立了"第二保加利亚帝国 ",这是保加利亚人和罗马尼亚人之间激烈的民族主义辩论的来源,实际上有三个民族参与其中。说罗马尼亚语的瓦拉几人、说土耳其语的基普查克人(库曼人)和说斯拉夫语的保加利亚人。到第四次十字军东征时,拜占庭的反击已经失败,新的国家出现在如今保加利亚北部,而拜占庭的权力辐射则被限制在色雷斯东部的低地。1201年或1202年,当十字军在西部集结时,瓦拉几人和基普查克人再次袭击了拜占庭领土,危险地接近了君士坦丁堡。此后,拜占庭皇帝阿列克西奥三世与保加利亚国王伊万二世(又称伊奥尼察或 "罗马屠夫卡洛扬")达成了和平协议。当第四次十字军东征于1203年突然出现时,情况仍然如此。

The Byzantine Empire has naturally been the subject of intense historical research to discover quite how and why a once-mighty (and still extensive) state with its massively fortified and hugely wealthy capital fell so suddenly to a handful of crusading adventurers and their Venetian allies. No simple answer has been agreed, because there is no simple answer. The weaknesses of Byzantium at the time of the Fourth Crusade were manifold, though none of them fully accounts for this collapse. On the other hand, there are a number of basic facts. During the 12th century the Byzantine Empire made significant territorial gains in the Balkans and this is believed to have resulted in a shift of emphasis from the Anatolian or Asian provinces to the European provinces. Nevertheless, it is far from clear how important the regions north of the Rhodope Mountains were, either economically, politically or militarily.
拜占庭帝国自然成为历史研究激烈的主题,以发现一个曾经强大(而且仍然广泛)的国家及其巨大的防御和巨大的财富的首都是如何以及为什么突然倒在一小撮十字军冒险家和他们的威尼斯盟友手中。没有一个简单的答案被认同,因为没有如此简单的答案。第四次十字军东征时,拜占庭的弱点是多方面的,尽管其中没有一个能完全说明这种崩溃的原因。另一方面,有一些基本事实被认同。在12世纪,拜占庭帝国在巴尔干地区取得了巨大的领土收益,这被认为导致了重点从安纳托利亚或亚洲省份转移到欧洲省份。然而,罗多彼山脉以北的地区在经济、政治或军事上有多重要还不清楚。

Similarly, emperor Manuel’s massive defeat at the hands of the Saljuq Turks at the battle of Myriokephalon in 1176 may not have been as important as once thought. Certainly, the Saljuqs chose not to follow up their success by conquering additional Byzantine territory. Similarly, the Byzantine army continued to defend the empire’s frontiers with reasonable success until its collapse in the late 12th and early 13th centuries.
同样,曼努埃尔皇帝在1176年的米里奥克法隆战役中大败于萨尔朱克土耳其人之手,这可能并不像人们曾经认为的那样重要。当然,萨尔朱克人没有选择通过征服更多的拜占庭领土来跟进他们的成功。同样,拜占庭军队继续保卫帝国的边境,并取得了合理的成功,直到12世纪末和13世纪初帝国崩溃。

Tensions between the indigenous, largely Greek, population of the empire and the Latin, largely Italian, merchant communities in the major cities also seem exaggerated. In fact, the Byzantine populace turned against these economically dominant foreigners only when the latter got drawn into Byzantine political rivalries. Then, of course, there were appalling massacres such as that of 1182. Michael Angold, the renowned historian of this period, summarized the situation immediately prior to 1204 as follows: ‘Ever since the death of Manuel I Komnenos in 1180 the weaknesses of the Byzantine Empire had become increasingly apparent. By the end of the century there was an atmosphere of complete demoralization. There was vicious intrigue and corruption in the capital, anarchy in the provinces, and growing external pressure on the boundaries of the empire’. However, the Fourth Crusade was more than merely another element in this disintegration, instead it converted a threatening situation into a complete catastrophe.
帝国的本土人口(主要是希腊人)与主要城市的拉丁人(主要是意大利人)商人群体之间的紧张关系似乎也被夸大了。事实上,只有当这些经济上占主导地位的外国人被卷入拜占庭的政治竞争时,拜占庭的民众才会转而反对这些人。然后,当然还有骇人听闻的大屠杀,如1182年的大屠杀。处于这一时期的著名历史学家迈克尔-安戈尔德(Michael Angold)对1204年之前的情况总结如下。自从1180年曼努埃尔一世(Manuel I Komnenos)去世后,拜占庭帝国的弱点变得越来越明显。到本世纪末,出现了一种完全丧失士气的气氛。首都出现了邪恶的阴谋和腐败,各省出现了无政府状态,帝国的边界面临着越来越大的外部压力"。然而,第四次十字军东征不仅仅是这一瓦解中的另一个因素,相反,它将一个有威胁的局面变成了一场彻底的灾难。

未完待续!

