普京俄罗斯的意识形态（双语字幕稿）【2/2】

上一篇请见专栏【翻译文稿】

Ivan Ilyin is the most important political theorist shaping the ideological underpinning of the modern Russian state of Vladimir Putin.

伊万·伊林是造就当代普京俄罗斯的意识形态的最重要的政治理论家。

But, there are other political theorists who have influence over the politics of the modern Russian regime.

但是，有其他的政治理论家对当代俄罗斯的政治有影响。

After Ivan Elin, one of the most important among them would believe Lev Gumilev.

在伊万·伊林之后，最重要的人之一就是列夫·谷米廖夫。

Lev Gumilev was a Soviet intellectual who wrote during the second half of the 20th century.

列夫·谷米廖夫是一个苏联知识分子，在20世纪后半开始写作。

He attempted to explain the presence of Communism in the eastern bloc as opposed to the west through the means of geography, climatology, anthropology and weird astrology.

他试图去通过地理、气象、人类学和奇怪的星相学解释共产主义为什么在欧洲东部国家而不是西方国家出现。

When the Communists took over Russia, they faced the problem of the Tatar yoke, or Russian backwardness, which I prefer to call Russian lawlessness.

当苏共接管俄国时，他们面临着鞑靼羁轭或者俄罗斯落后性这个问题，而我更愿意称其为俄罗斯不法性。

They initially saw themselves as tasked with overcoming it, but they failed at that task.

他们一开始认为他们的任务是去克服它，然而他们失败了。

So instead of confronting its legacies and institutions, the Soviets came up with a different idea: the crafting of a new narrative of political history.

所以，与其直面它的历史包袱和遗留的体制，苏共想出了一个新的主意：编撰一个新的政治历史理论。

We are no longer the backward ones; We may have once been backward, but now in fact you in the west are the backward ones;

我们不再是落后的那个了；我们可能曾经落后过，但是现在实际上是你们西方落后了；

And through the guidance of Marxism, we have leap-frogged ahead of you, and we will eventually guide you into that progress.

通过马克斯主义的引导，我们弯道超了你们的车，而我们终有一天会引导你们来走向进步。

Lev Gumilev was one of the Soviet intellectuals tasked with creating narratives of history that could explain and underpin this idea.

列夫·谷米廖夫是被赋予了撰写这个新史，并使其能够解释并给这个思想奠基这个任务的苏联学者之一。

His political innovation was to rebrand Eurasianism, a traditionally right-wing position, as part of the Marxist political canon.

他的政治创新在于重新包装了欧亚主义，一个传统上右翼的立场，并把它编进马克斯政治学正史之中。

He described the separation of east and west as a phenomenon created by geography, climate, astrology, Mongols, and Jewish conspiracies.

他把东西方的划分描述为一个由地理、气候、星象、蒙古人和犹太阴谋论造成的现象。

He claimed that by having access to the world's oceans, the peoples of the west, be they British, Scandinavian, Dutch, French, Iberian or American, had lost their societal and cultural connection to land.

他宣称，因为西方人能够利用世界的海洋，西方的人们，无论是英国人、北欧人、丹麦人、法国人、伊比利亚人或是美国人，失去了他们对土地的社会和文化链接。

Rather than working their lands as peasants, they had become peoples of the sea, through traveling the oceans and trade.

与其在他们的土地上作为农民过活，他们通过航行和经商成为了“海民”。

They thereby surrendered their deep-rooted traditions and cultures that tied them to land in favor of capitalism, and the politics of individuality and selfishness.

他们于是放弃了他们把他们维系在土地上根深蒂固的传统和文化，并选择了资本主义和个人主义和自私自利的政治。

Russians meanwhile, through remaining landlocked, were people of the soil.

这时的俄罗斯人，因为生活在内陆，是“地民”。

Through never developing a merchant class, bourgeoisie or an industrial proletariat, the Russians remained a nation of peasants, a people who worked their lands and were also bound to them.

因为从没有发展出商人阶层，布尔乔亚或是工业无产阶级，俄罗斯人仍然是一个农民民族，一个在土地上劳作并附着于土地的民族。

Gumilev claimed that through being forbidden to ever leave, these peasants developed a communal culture that tied them deeper and more consciously to their land.

谷米廖夫声称因为这些农民永远无法离开，他们发展出了一个把他们更紧密、更有意识地与土地连结的社会文化。

By these means, they were never corrupted by capitalist ideas that had corrupted the west, and remained a people deeply tied, through their labor and communities, to the soil they lived on.

因为这些，他们从来没有像西方那样被资本主义思想腐化过，并仍然是一个被他们的劳作和群落所附着于他们赖以生存的土地上的民族。

It has to be pointed out that Gumilev and his writings are anti-semitic, and are an expression of the often-ignored Marxist anti-Semitism.

这里必须指出，谷米廖夫和他的著作是反犹太的，并且是常常被忽略的马克思主义反犹倾向的表现。

He described the Jews as an inherently landless people, who through having no conception of a connection in tradition and culture to land or soil, nor an idea of tradition of manual labor in agriculture on land or soil, developed an inherently parasitic culture and politics of feeding off and manipulating other peoples.

他把犹太人描绘成天生没有土地的民族，他们因为传统和文化中没有对土地连结的概念，也没有对土地上农业人力劳作的概念，从而发展出了一个天生寄生式的，利用和从其他民族身上吸血的文化和政治。

Gumilev claimed that the Jews had manipulated the Mongols into conquering and oppressing the Slavic peoples, so that the Jews could then parasitically feed off the Slavic peasantry as tax collectors and merchants of monopolies, such as in alcohol.

谷米廖夫声称犹太人曾经诱导蒙古人来征服并压迫斯拉夫民族，从而让犹太人可以通过当征税官和从事像酒这样的垄断商业来吸斯拉夫农民的血。

It should be pointed out, if it wasn't obvious is enough already, that this is completely false ahistorical nonsense.

应该指出，如果还不够明显的话，这些都是完全的伪历史胡扯。

In part, this claim by Gumilev draws on the anti-semitic publication “on the Jewish question” by Karl Marx;

谷米廖夫的这些声张一部分来自于卡尔马克斯的反犹太著作“犹太人问题”；

Which describes Judaism as a religion that merely provides some spiritual wishy-washy justification to what is actually a material practice by the Jews of being money hoarders and schemers.

这个文章里把犹太教描述成犹太人作为财阀和阴谋家物质行为的精神粉饰。

It is in fact often forgotten today that Marx reinforced the anti-semitic stereotype of the Jews as money hoarders and manipulators.

今天被很多人遗忘的是，马克斯对犹太人作为财阀和阴谋家的刻板印象起到了推波助澜的作用。

From the perspective of soviet Marxist scholars, Jews were a group of people who had developed a distinctive cultural and ethnic consciousness, that made it difficult for Jews to develop a class consciousness.

从苏修马克斯学者的角度看，犹太人是一个有着独特文化和民族认知的人群，从而使得他们难以发展出阶级认知。

Because of this, Jews were categorized in the Soviet Union as a special nationality group, and were often surveilled and treated with suspicion across communist countries.

因此，犹太人在苏联内被分成一个特殊的民族，并经常被监视，在共产主义国家中饱受猜疑。

The Communists believed that they had to break a Jewish ethnic consciousness to replace it with a class consciousness.

苏共认为他们需要破坏犹太人的民族意识并用阶级意识取而代之。

You can see this attitude towards Jews as inherently part yet apart reflected in modern Russia to this day, where Jews are often described and shown as both part of society, but also different and separate from society.

你能在现代俄罗斯发现这种既把犹太人当作社会的一部分又和社会相分离的看法，犹太人既被描绘成社会的一部分，但总和社会的其他分子不同并相独立。

It is also reflected among a certain type of modern Marxist in our day and age, who believe they have the authority to select and categorize Jews as either good Jews with class consciousness, and bad Jews who want to preserve and define a Jewish cultural identity.

这也在当今某种马克斯主义者身上有所反映，他们相信他们有权力去挑选并给犹太人分类，分成有阶级意识的好的犹太人，和想保留并定义一个犹太文化身份的坏的犹太人。

This anti-semitic idea of Gumilev is very much in line with these notions and was very popular in Soviet Russia.

谷米廖夫的这种反犹思想和这些观念一致，并在苏俄很受欢迎。

You will find for example that Solzhenitsyn evoked this idea in his own writings about Russian Jews.

作为例子你能够在索尔仁尼琴的作品中找到这些对于俄国犹太人的观念。

Gumilev also based much of his ideas on interpretations of geography.

谷米廖夫很多观点也来自于他对地理的解读。

He used meteorological statistics and temperature measurements to draw a line straight across Europe, that conveniently went straight through the border of Western and East Germany, and claimed that because of the colder temperatures east of that line, Siberia began in Germany.

他用天气数据和气温测量花了一条切开欧洲的线，而它正好经过了东西德的边界，然后他声称由于这条线以东温度更低，西伯利亚是从德国开始的。

East of that line, he claimed, Winters were colder, peasants had to work harder, agriculture was more widespread, therefore peasant culture prevailed, storage economies were more necessary, and because of these supposedly geographic factors, these places had an easier start into communism;

这条线以东，他说，冬天更冷，农民需要更卖力工作，农业更加广泛，所以农民文化占主流，存储型经济成为了必须，而因为这些似乎是地理的源因，这些地方更容易转型进入共产主义。

While those living to the west of this line had more comfortable lives, richer harvests, access to the seas and therefore stagnated into capitalism.

同时生活在这条线以西的人日子过得更舒服，农业产出更高，能够进入海洋，所以停滞于资本主义。

This is also nonsense.

这些也是扯淡。

Famines were widespread and regular all across Europe before the Colombian Exchange brought potatoes, maize and corn.

饥荒在欧洲所有地方都曾经经常性地发生，直到哥伦布带回了土豆和玉米。

But also, if you look at European metrological data, you will realize that by the standards of Gumilev, you can pretty much draw the borders of his imagined Siberia everywhere.

不光如此，如果你去看欧洲的气象学数据，你会发现根据谷米廖夫的标准，你可以把他想象中的西伯利亚边界放到任何地方。

You can just as well declare Norway, Iceland and Switzerland to be part of Siberia by his imagined geographic standards.

根据他脑海里的地理标准，你也能宣称挪威、冰岛和瑞士是西伯利亚的一部分。

Gumilev's final contribution to the rebranding of Eurasianism didn't come from ripping measurements out of any scientific field like geography, but from weird esoteric writings about astrology.

谷米廖夫对重新包装欧亚主义的最后贡献并不是来自套用像地理这样的科学数据，而是通过奇怪的神秘天文学。

He claimed that the success or failure of a civilization depended on cosmic energy emitted from the Sun, that once every few centuries the sun emitted a burst of energy that would hit Earth, and energize a people into greatness.

他声称一个文明的成功与失败取决于来自太阳的星空能量，每隔几个世纪太阳就会爆发出一波能量，击中地球，然后给一个民族的崛起充能。

The cosmic rays that had invigorated European civilization happened long ago during the Roman age.

给欧洲文明充能的星空辐射发生在很早以前的古罗马时代。

Europe's cosmic energy was therefore decaying and spent.

所以欧洲的“星能量”已经衰败透支。

The west was therefore a dying civilization that had run out of cosmic energy.

所以西方是一个花光了星能量的濒死文明。

But the Russians had not received but inherited the cosmic rays and energy of the Mongols, through being conquered and mixed with the Mongols.

但是，俄罗斯人不是收到，而是通过被蒙古人征服并混血而继承了蒙古人的星空射线和能量。

Therefore, the Russians were the youngest and most cosmically energetic of all civilizations.

所以，俄罗斯人是所有文明里最年轻和最具有星能量的文明。

And it was with this Cosmic Mongol energy that the Russians will carry communism into the world.

而俄罗斯人将会带着这股“星空蒙古能量”将共产主义传遍全球。

As the historian Timothy Snyder described his summarized theories: “Gumilev believed that it was Russia's Destiny, as a civilization, to conquer the west and turn it into Mongolia.”

就像历史学家蒂莫西·斯奈德描述他的综述那样：“谷米廖夫相信俄罗斯文明的命运是将征服西方并把它变成蒙古帝国。”

if you ever heard “Marxists” ramble about Eurasian civilization or the Mongolian civilizational mission of Marxism, as mad as these ramblings may sound, they are based on actual political theories written by a Marxist thinker, namely Lev Gumilev.

如果你听见过“马克斯主义者”说着什么欧亚文明，或是马克斯主义的蒙古文明使命，虽然这些自言自语听上去毫无理智可言，它们的确是基于一个“马克斯思想家”写的政治理论，那就是列夫·谷米廖夫。

Gumilev's rebranding of Eurasianism made it part of the soviet Marxist canon.

谷米廖夫对欧亚主义的再包装把它变成了苏修马克思主义正史的一部分。

It is the reason why you find Eurasianism advocated in some Marxist corners to this day, in particular those circles that still adhere to soviet communism.

这是某些马克思主义的角落里仍然有人宣扬欧亚主义的原因，尤其是那些仍然坚持苏联式共产主义的圈子。

The Russian lawlessness was rebranded as a Russian progress, or as a means by which Russia was uniquely able in the world to advance communism by overcoming others.

俄罗斯的不法性被套上了俄罗斯的先进性的套子，或是被说成一种俄罗斯独特于世界的，通过克服他人来发展共产主义的方式。

As a result, you still have Marxists today who argue in defense of Russia under the Putin regime, even though it has little to do with Marx's doctrine anymore.

结果是，今天你仍然能看到马克思主义者为普京政权下的俄罗斯辩护，即使它已经和马克斯的理论风马牛不相干了。

Gumilev provided Marxists with a rebranded, enlightened nationalism of sorts.

谷米廖夫给马克思主义者提供了一种重新包装过的，‘进步的’国家主义

The idea of Russia's unique positioning through history as the vessel of a civilizational mission in destroying Western capitalism, formulated by Lev Gumilev, plays the central role in this phenomenon.

由列夫·谷米廖夫阐述的，俄罗斯在历史中的特殊性给了它作为摧毁西方资本主义的文明载体这个思想，是这种现象的中心原因。

Gumilev's Eurasianism remains popular in Russia to this day.

谷米廖夫的欧亚主义至今在俄罗斯都很受欢迎。

He is widely commemorated and celebrated by the Putin regime.

他被普京政府广泛纪念并颂扬。

Putin has stated that he believes in Gumilev's theories, and that Gumilev's writings are the foundation of how he views geopolitics.

普京说过他相信谷米廖夫的理论，且谷米廖夫的作品是他对地缘政治的见解的基石。

Gumilev's Eurasianism is Putin's Eurasianism, minus the Marxism.

谷米廖夫的欧亚主义就是普京的欧亚主义，除了马克斯那部分。

 

In internal politics, how he views the role of state, society, politics and Russia's role, Putin still relies heavily on Ivan Ilyin.

在内政上，关于它是如何看待政府的作用，社会，政治和俄罗斯的角色，普京仍然非常依赖伊万·伊林。

But on foreign policy and what Russia's role in the world ought to be, Gumilev plays a significant role.

但是对于外交政策和俄罗斯在世界上应有的立场，谷米廖夫起到了很大的作用。

In some ways Putin combines the ideas of a Fascist and a Marxist political theorist in his regime's politics.

某种意义上普京在他的政权政策中融合了来自法西斯和马克斯主义政治理论家的思想。

There's a final influential thinker whose influence can be seen in modern Russia, specifically in its preservation of lawlessness.

有最后一个有影响力的思想家的影子可以在现代俄罗斯看到，尤其是在它对不法性的保持上。

This one, however, isn't Russian, but German: Karl Schmidt.

不过这一个不是俄国人，而是德国人：卡尔·施密特。（噔噔咚）

 

Karl Schmidt was a Nazi law professor, and became the chief legal theorist of the Nazi German State.

卡尔·施密特是一个纳粹法律学教授，并成为了纳粹德国的首席法律理论家。

He provided the legal justification and framework for Hitler's seizure of absolute dictatorial powers, was instrumental in creating the legal framework and theories of the Nazi State;

他提供了让希特勒夺取绝对独裁权力的法律理由和架构，对构建纳粹政府的法律框架和理论不可或缺；

And after the second world war, Schmidt remained an unrepentant Nazi, a committed fascist and vicious anti-semite.

并且在二战后，施密特仍然是个顽固不化的纳粹，一个坚定的法西斯和极端的反犹太者。

This barred him from any work in Germany, so he worked as a law professor at a university in Franco’s Spain, where he formulated more theories.

这使得他没办法在德国工作，所以他在佛朗哥的西班牙的一所大学里当法学教授，并在那里写了更多理论。

（译注：他在纳粹发动战争和开始种族清洗前就因为政见不合被开除党籍，所以没有被审判）

Carl Schmidt's influence, specifically the influence of his writings, is far more widespread than many first assume.

卡尔·施密特的影响力，尤其是他著作的影响力，比大部分人所一开始设想的要大得多。

To historians who study law or legal history, Karl Schmidt is sort of an unwelcome ghost of sorts, or a kind of potent doom.

对于学习法律或法学历史的历史学家而言，卡尔·施密特就像是个不受欢迎的鬼魂一样，或是某种在即的末日。

His writings always creep up and appear among politicians when something really bad is about to happen.

他的著作总在某些非常坏的事情发生前在政客之中露出头脚来。

The most infamous example is that Karl Schmidt's legal theories can be found in the constitution that Pinochet forced on Chile.

最臭名昭著的例子是卡尔·施密特的法律理论能在皮诺切特强加给智利的宪法中找到。

Karl Schmidt’s theories in geopolitics can also be found, reflected and discussed in the school of international relations called realism.

卡尔·施密特的地缘政治理论也在名叫现实主义的国际关系学派中找到并被讨论。

Not just popular in the far right, his theories have also been repeated and used in the far left.

不光在极右圈子里面收到欢迎，他的理论也被极左所重复并被使用。

You will for example find the influence of Karl Schmidt's work in the writings of Michelle Foucault.

举个例子，你能够在米歇尔·福柯的著作中找到卡尔·施密特作品的影响。

His legal theories are also frequently discussed as a negative example to criticize Richard Nixon's Watergate scandal, Kissinger's foreign policy in South America and East Asia, and the War on Terror.

他的法律理论也被频繁地作为反例用来批评理查德·尼克森的水门事件，基辛格在南美和东亚的外交政策，和反恐战争。

Karl Schmidt's most influential body of work, as a political and legal theorist, are attacks against parliamentary democracy, liberal democracy, and a liberal world order, popular sovereignty and constitutional rule of law.

卡尔·施密特作为政治和法律理论家影响最大的成果，是针对议会制民主，自由派民主，以及一个自由派世界秩序，民众主权和宪法法治的攻击。

Among these is his state theory of the “state of emergency”.

在这之中是他的国家理论，“应急事态政府”。

（译注：state既作国家、政府之意也取事态、状态之意。）

During the chaos of the Weimar Republic, Schmidt proclaimed that rule of law was an unfit construct to provide security in times of crisis, and therefore fostered insecurity.

在魏玛共和国的混乱中，施密特宣称法治是一个不适合在危急关头提供保障的架构，所以它促进了不安定。

Therefore, it was an unfit construct to govern a society in general.

所以，它普遍上讲不是一个适合来治理一个社会的架构。

The liberal order of a state, through rule of law and accountability, is according to him too weak to preserve a sovereign and permanent social order;

一个国家通过法制和责任制实现的自由主义秩序，据他所说过于软弱，不能保障一个永久的主权社会秩序。

Because politics to Schmidt is nothing more than struggles over power.

因为对施密特来说，政治就只是对权力的争夺。

He invented the legal concept of a “state of emergency” which you all are probably familiar with, but he expanded it from being a temporary state of affairs into being the permanent status quo of a state.

他发明了一个叫做“应急事态制度”的法律概念，而这个你们应该都很熟悉；但是他把它从一个临时的状态扩展成了一个永久的政府状态。

He declared that sovereignty can only be achieved through ignoring law, and the destruction of rule of law by a leader;

他宣称主权只能够通过无视法律，并由一个首领来摧毁法治才能够达成；

That a political leader, to secure the state must place themselves above the law, act without the constraints of law, and be unshackled from any accountability to law;

一个政治领导人，为了保护国家必须把他自己置身于法律之上，不受法律管控行动，并不被任何对法律的责任所禁锢；

To guarantee true sovereignty of the state, the leader must be placed in a state of exception.

为了保证一个国家真正的主权，首领必须处在一个例外的状态中。

In the words of Schmidt, “sovereignty is defined by he who decides the exceptions.”

按施密特所说，“主权由决定例外的人所定义。”

The state ought to become a permanent state of emergency, so that the leader can secure the state through having absolute power, rather than society succumbing to endless struggles over power.

国家应当成为一个永久的应急事态政府，这样首领就能通过拥有绝对权力来保护国家，而不是社会因为无穷无尽的权力斗争而分崩离析。

Schmidt's writings are known to have been read and appealed to many Russian political leaders of the 1990s, who saw the state of Russia during the chaos of the Yeltsin era reflected in the chaos of Weimar Germany.

我们知道施密特的著作曾被很多90年代的俄罗斯政治领导人所阅读并欣赏，他们在叶利钦时代俄罗斯的混乱中看到了魏玛德国混乱的影子。

Schmidt's writings about the solutions to the chaos of Weimar were seen and interpreted in Russia as solutions to the chaos of Yeltsin.

施密特关于魏玛混乱的解决方案在俄罗斯被理解为解决叶利钦混乱的方法。

Ilyin may have provided a spiritual and philosophical justification for a leader to emerge with absolute powers within a fascist state, Karl Schmidt provides a legal and political justification for a fascist leader above the Law, and in preservation of Russia's lawlessness to ensure the very existence of Russia as a sovereign entity.

伊林也许提供了一个精神和哲学上的理由来让一个首领在一个法西斯政府中获得绝对权力，卡尔·施密特提供了一个法律和政治上的理由让一个法西斯首领站在法律之上，并维持俄罗斯的不法来保护俄罗斯作为一个主权主体的存在。

It is very much of note how Ilyin and Schmidt, both of them were pioneers of fascism, came to a very similar conclusion on law; and both embraced lawlessness and the destruction of the rule of law.

非常值得注意的是，伊林和施密特，两个法西斯主义的先驱，关于法律都到达了一个非常相似的结论；两人也都信封不法和法治的毁灭。

But ultimately it is also not surprising, from Mussolini's march on Rome to the violence of brown shirt Nazi street gangs, fascism ultimately is a movement of violent lawlessness.

但是最终这一点也不让人惊讶，从墨索里尼的罗马行军到纳粹棕衬衫街头帮派的暴行，法西斯主义终究是一个暴力不法的运动。

Might is what makes right, the will to exercise power is what matters, and the restraints on power dictated by the liberal state are something to be destroyed, so that the fascist can exercise power without restraint.

强权就是公理，使用权力的意志才是关键，而自由派国家政府所规定的对权力的限制是个需要被摧毁的东西，这样法西斯才能不受约束地使用权力。

As a different Nazi legal theorist, Hitler's personal lawyer Hans Frank once said: “Law is whatever serves the race.”

就像另外一个纳粹法律理论家，希特勒的个人律师汉斯·佛兰克曾说的那样：“为种族服务的就是法律。”

Ilyin viewed lawlessness almost like a religious blessing, Schmidt provided a secular justification for it.

伊林把不法几乎当作宗教赐福来看待，施密特给它提供了一种世俗的辩护。

He was in some sense, the lawyer who abolished law.

他在某种意义上是那个废除了法律的律师。

For political thinkers with an interest in unrestrained power, or those who wish to overcome restraints of power or obsessed over the dynamics of power, Karl Schmidt always had a very seductive appeal.

对于那些对不受限制的权力感兴趣的政治思想家，或是那些想克服对权力的限制或是痴迷于权力动态的人来说，卡尔·施密特一直有非常强的诱惑力。

For those who see their society as threatened, and believe an act of lawlessness and unrestrained power can save them, Schmidt has the greatest of appeals.

对于那些自认为他们的社会受到威胁，并相信不法的行为和不受控的权力可以拯救他们的人来说，施密特的吸引力是最大的。

Russia must have an absolute leader above the law, because Russia is under threat from outside;

俄罗斯必须有一个法律之上的绝对首领，因为俄罗斯收到了外部威胁；

And therefore, Russia must have the absolute leader above the law or it will be demolished, and cease to exist as a sovereign entity.

所以，俄罗斯必须有一个法律之上的绝对首领，否则它将被肢解，并作为主权个体不复存在。

The dear leader above the law not only exists in Ilyin's divine mission from God, but with Schmidt's theories, the leader above the law also exists to ensure that Russia can continue to exist despite its enemies.

亲爱的法律之上的首领不仅仅存在于伊林上帝的神圣任务里，而且根据施密特的理论，法律之上的首领也是因为要保证俄罗斯在敌人环绕的环境中能继续存在而存在。

The sense of outside threat and outside enemies also plays a key role in the writings of Carl Schmidt’s political ideas.

对于外部威胁和外部敌人的意识也在卡尔·施密特的政治著作里有重要的地位。

He believed that all politics must always begin and be defined through identifying the enemy of the group.

他相信所有的政治必须从找到群体的敌人开始，并被其定义。

This is a direct attack on the liberal democratic order, which advocates for governance through change in leadership, popular sovereignty, consensus and compromise.

这是对自由派民主秩序的直接攻击，它宣扬通过交替领导层，民众主权，共识和折衷来进行统治。

There can be no such thing as compromise in Schmidt's politics.

在施密特的政治里，没有妥协与折衷。

Society is in a constant struggle for power between groups, and for the body national to be preserved it must identify the enemy group.

社会一直处在群体之间的权力争夺之中，而如果民族主体想要被保护，它必须要辨识出敌对的群体。

Besides serving the purpose of securing the state from any and all threats, the identifying and pursuit of an enemy also provides a foundation of common unity in struggle to the group that makes up the body National.

不光是为了从所有威胁中保护国家，对敌人的识别和寻找也提供了一个让民族主体共同团结的基础。

Politics must be understood as war.

政治必须被理解为战争。

There are no people who you can have disagreements with, those who you have disagreements with are in fact your enemies.

你不能和任何人有意见不同，和你有异见的人实际上是你的敌人。

The enemy can only ever be an outsider, and you must rally your group against the enemy.

敌人只能是一个外人，而你必须要召集你的群体来抵抗你的敌人。

Finally, there are also his theories on geopolitics.

最后，是他的地缘政治理论。

Karl Schmidt saw the modern world as divided into spheres of influence.

卡尔·施密特认为现代世界被分割成了几个势力范围。

These spheres of influence, which he called great spheres, are geopolitically dominated by a great power, that dominates over the geographic landscape of that great sphere.

这些势力范围，他称之为“势力圈”，在地缘政治中由一个支配这个势力圈地缘面貌的大国所主导。

The West, mainly through the conquest and colonization of the Americas, managed to create the first true international order in which the western concept of the nation-state became the predominant global order.

西方国家，通过征服和殖民美洲，创造了第一个真正的国际秩序，而西方的民族国家概念成了主导全球的政治秩序。

But the system of nation states did not replace the system of great powers and great spheres.

但是民族国家的体系并没有代替由大国和势力圈组成的系统。

Great power still continues to determine the political outcomes and course of the smaller nation states within their own great sphere.

强权大国仍然在决定着在他们势力圈里小国的政治走向和结果。

The politics and ideologies of these spheres are therefore Irrelevant, in terms that the smaller nation-states do not get to pick them.

这些势力圈的政治和意识观念是无足轻重的，因为那些小的民族国家并不能够去选择。

If a great sphere adheres to a certain ideology, it is because that great sphere has a great power with that ideology.

如果一个势力圈遵循某种意识形态，那是因为这个势力圈有一个有这种意识形态的大国。

Schmidt believed Eurasia was a great sphere with the great power of Russia, and Russia as a communist state therefore gets to decide the politics and ideology of everyone in that great sphere, be it Poland, Belarus, Ukraine, Finland, Kazakhstan or the Baltic states.

施密特相信欧亚是一个以俄罗斯为中心的势力圈，而俄罗斯作为一个共产国家就理应决定它势力圈中所有人的政治和意识形态，包括波兰，乌克兰，芬兰，哈萨克斯坦还是波罗的海国家。

What the rulers of Warsaw, Kiev, Tallin or Helsinki want, or what the peoples of their countries want is irrelevant, because it must be decided or bow to the whims and demands of the great power of that sphere.

在华沙，基辅，塔林或是海尔辛基的领导人想要什么，或是他们国家的人民想要什么无关紧要，因为它必须被势力圈中的大国所决定，或是向它卑躬屈膝。

So, in the end, Moscow gets to decide for all of them.

所以到最后，莫斯科可以给他们所有人做决定。

Karl Schmidt's writings on spheres of influence and great powers were not a defense of the communist Soviet Union.

卡尔·施密特关于势力圈和大国的著作并不是给苏联做辩护。

He was, after all, an unrepentant Nazi right up to his death in the 1980s.

毕竟他是一个直到在80年代他死之前都不曾悔改的纳粹。

No. His theory on geopolitics was an attack on the liberal west, liberal democracy, and the idea of liberal universalism;

不。他的地缘政治理论是一个对自由主义西方，自由主义民主和自由普世主义的攻击；

Because at its core, this idea by Karl Schmidt attacked the idea of there being a universal humanity, a core component of the liberal framework.

因为究其本质，卡尔·施密特的这个思想攻击了人类文明的普世性，自由主义架构的核心构成之一。

Specifically, he attacked the idea of there being an international law, which he described as little more than a thin veneer to disguise American imperialism.

具体地说，他攻击了理应存在国际法律这个思想，他将其描述为美国帝国主义的一层薄面纱。

There cannot be a rules-based world order, let alone one based on liberal values, because there are no rules, only geopolitical power and the exercising of that power for great powers, in the global game of power dynamics.

以规则为基础的世界秩序不能存在，更不用说一个基于自由主义的秩序，因为世上没有规则，在全球的权力游戏中只有地缘政治势力和大国对权力的运用。

The liberal West cannot apply its values universally, because this would lead to direct confrontation and war with those great Powers who do not share its values.

自由主义西方不可能普世地应用它的价值观，因为这将导致和其他不认同它价值观的大国的冲突和战争。

The liberal state must therefore compromise and accept that its values do not apply to all, and thereby surrender its liberal core claim to universality of values, and thereby expose itself as a lie.

自由主义的国家因此必将妥协并接受它的价值观不能对所有人有效，继而放弃它的自由主义对普世价值观的核心主张，继而将它自身作为谎言揭穿。

According to Karl Schmidt, geopolitics and the politics of great Powers will ultimately destroy the liberal West by forcing it into positions of hypocrisy.

根据卡尔·施密特，地缘政治以及大国间的政治将通过把自由主义的西方放在自我矛盾的立场上而最终摧毁它。

The more the liberal West will concede to other great Powers, the more its own political foundations of rule of law will be undermined and eroded, by being increasingly exposed as worthless.

自由主义的西方越是像其他大国低头，它自己的法制政治基础就越被侵蚀，因为它越来越显得一文不值。

Hypocrisy on the international stage will lead to hypocrisy on the domestic stage, which will erode the foundation of domestic politics.

国际舞台上的虚伪导致国内的虚伪，而这会侵蚀内政的根基。

To defeat the west and its liberal order, the West must surrender to the whims of anti-democratic great powers within what Schmidt saw as their spheres of influence.

要想打败西方和它的自由主义秩序，西方必须在施密特所划分的反民主大国势力圈中向这些强权屈服。

It is not difficult to see how this theory falls on very open ears in the Kremlin.

不难看出为什么这个理论在克里姆林宫被洗耳恭听。

It is not difficult to see how it appeals to both the anti-democratic left and the anti-democratic right.

也不难看出为什么它对那些反民主的左派和右派有吸引力。

With this theory in mind, and knowing that this is how those who rule Russia see the world, one can understand why Putin went through so much effort to ensure that Assad would step over Obama's Infamous Red Line.

知道了这个理论，并了解了这就是俄罗斯领导人看世界的方式，你就能够理解为什么普京花费这么多的努力来确保阿萨德越过奥巴马臭名昭著的红线。

The universal claim of a common humanity and rules-based order was surrendered in Syria and forced to not apply to Syrians in opposition to the regime of Basha al-assad.

对于人类普世性的宣称和以规则为基础的秩序在叙利亚被放弃了，并被强迫地不对叙利亚人和他们对巴沙尔阿萨德政府的反对生效。

If the democratic ambitions of the Ukrainian people can also be crushed under a Russian boot, then not only does this mean that Ukraine must subordinate to the rules of a series of power game, in which it is merely a chess piece played by the great power for Russia;

如果乌克兰人民的民主愿望也可以被踩在俄国军靴下，那么这不光意味着乌克兰必须服从一系列权利游戏的规则，而它在其中只不过是一个被大国俄罗斯所掌握的棋子；

No, it also means that the idealism of the west is at its core a lie, and must be surrendered to rules of a game of power between great powers, in which nothing but the exercise of power matters.

不，这也意味着西方的理想主义在其核心是个谎言，且必须在大国之间权力游戏的规则面前被放弃，而在这之中除了权力的行使以外没有任何重要的东西。

To Schmidt, an international set of rules or an idea of universal human rights and laws are little more than a disguise of American imperialism, of power politics with the intention of destroying the sovereignty of other great powers.

对于施密特而言，一个国际规则体系或是普世的人权或法律只是掩饰美国帝国主义的一个伪装，是意图摧毁其他大国主权的权力政治的一个工具。

To Schmidt, both in internal politics and in international politics, all that matters is the dynamics and exercising of raw power.

对于施密特，无论在内政还是国际政治里，唯一重要的就是纯粹权力的动态和运用。

 

These are the three main political theorists who influenced Putin's vision for Russia.

这是影响普京对俄罗斯的理解的三个主要政治理论家。

What so curious to me is that much of this was very much in the open.

对我来说尤其奇怪的是这些都非常的公开。

As mentioned before, Putin was never quiet about his admiration of Ivan Ilyin.

像之前提到的那样，普京从来没有避免提起他对伊万·伊林的崇拜。

I'm also pretty sure that some of those in the audience who have read the books of Alexander Dugan had their jaws drop a few times.

我也很确定你们观众中读过亚历山大·杜根的书的那些人下巴掉了好几次。

Let me explain to you and all those who have not read Dugan's books.

让我给你们没读过杜根书的人解释一下。

Close to nothing that Dugan wrote is original.

杜根基本没写过任何原创的内容。

Almost everything in Dugan's books is just ripped from Ivan Ilyin, Lev Gumilev and Karl Schmidt, in particular from Karl Schmidt.

几乎所有杜根的书都是抄的伊万·伊林，列夫·谷米廖夫和卡尔·施密特，尤其是卡尔·施密特。

There's not a single original thought or political theory in anything that Dugan has ever written.

杜根写过的所有东西没有一点原创的思想或政治理论。

He basically just summarizes political theorists that have influence over modern Russian politics, and tries to market these ideas as his own.

他基本上只是总结了对当下俄罗斯有影响的政治理论家，然后试图把这些理论当成他自己的去推广。

Dugan's role in Russia is vastly overestimated in the west.

杜根在俄罗斯的作用在西方被大幅地高估了。

He is not the Kremlin Whisperer, as some may say.

他不是克里姆林的耳语者，像某些人说的那样。

Putin cites Ilyin and not Dugan.

普京引用伊林，不是杜根。

Dugan is merely a sort of brand manager and marketer, something Russians call a political technologist.

杜根就只是某种品牌管理和销售员，一个俄罗斯人称之为“政治科技家”的东西。

I like to think of Dugan as more of a useful bigot.

我愿意将杜根理解成一个有用的老顽固。

His English translator was the wife of the American fascist Richard Spencer, and Dugan has ties to various European fascist circles, from the late French-Romanian fascist Pavileshku, who was one of the founding thinkers behind “generation identity”, To the Canadian fascist Lauren Southern, to many others.

他的英文翻译是美国法西斯理查德·斯奔赛的老婆，而且杜根和各种欧洲法西斯圈子有交集，从最近去世的法国-罗马尼亚人法西斯帕韦列什库、“一代身份”的创始思想家之一，到加拿大法西斯劳伦·苏泽伦，以及很多其他人。

I believe the reason he is prominent in the west is because the Russian regime would like him to be prominent in the west, as a salesman of the ideas behind Russia's new fascism.

我相信他之所以在西方这么显著是因为俄罗斯政权想要让他在西方变得出名，作为俄罗斯新法西斯背后思想的推销员。

In Russia itself, Dugan only has a minuscule political role if any at all, which is why rather than calling him the Kremlin Whisperer, I prefer calling him the Kremlin's useful bigot.

在俄罗斯内部，杜根只有一个很微小甚至不存在的政治角色，这就是为什么与其叫他克里姆林耳语者，我更愿意叫他克里姆林的顺手顽固。

 

There's a final note I wish to give on all of this.

我想表达一个最后的重点。

The most baffling thing about all of this to me, is how widely unnoticed it went.

这件事对我而言最令人不解的方面，就是（俄罗斯的政治转变）如此地不受关注。

The Trotsky series from 2017 is something that really catches my attention, and I'll get into why.

2017年的托司机电视剧尤其引起我的注意，而我会解释为什么。

This series is an overt piece of fascist Cinema, there is absolutely no doubt about this.

这个电视剧是一个公然而然的法西斯宣传影片，一点怀疑的空间都没有。

It depicts the Russian Revolution as inherently Jewish.

它把俄罗斯革命描绘得有内在犹太性。

It depicts the Jew, through the figure of Trotsky, as the grand schemer and shady manipulator of Lenin.

它通过托司机的角色描绘了犹太人，作为阴谋大师并从阴影里操纵列宁。

The revolution is driven and manipulated from the shadows by the Jew Trotsky, the Jew Trotsky is responsible for the violence and terror of the revolution, and the Jew Trotsky creates Stalin as a sort of Golem to help him in his Shady schemes and acts of violence, The Jew Trotsky then loses control over his terrifying creation.

革命被犹太人托司机从阴影里驱使并控制，犹太人托司机对革命中的暴力和恐怖负责，而且犹太人托司机创造了斯大林作为某种傀儡来帮助他执行他阴暗的计谋和暴力的行径，然后犹太人托司机失去了对他可怕造物的控制。

（译注：Golem出自犹太教传说，一个城里的犹太拉比为了保护ghetto（犹太区）里的族人造出了土石傀儡，最后因为在保护犹太人的过程中傀儡杀了人而被拉比所封印，并令其在犹太人受危难时再度苏醒。故事较长建议自查资料。）

The Russian Revolution is presented here as “that time that the Jews were in charge of Russia”, as a sort of Jewish mistake, and presented it is something Russia had to redeem itself from.

俄罗斯革命被展现成了“那段犹太人主导俄罗斯的日子”，成了某种犹太人的错误，然后把它描述成了一个俄罗斯需要为自己赎罪的事。

It also presents the idea and notion that communism was a sort of western degenerate idea that infected Russia, which was promoted and driven primarily by the schemes of Jews.

它还展示了一种‘共产主义是某种感染了俄国的堕落西方思想，而且主要通过犹太人的阴谋被推动’的思想。

And don't forget that this entire narrative of this film is told and presented from the imagined perspective of the fascist political theorist Ivan Ilyin.

而且别忘了整个电影的旁白都是从法西斯政治理论家伊万·伊林想象中的视角出发的。

You really can't get more in your face fascist than that.

你没法比这个还要明摆着法西斯了。

This is fascist cinema; It belongs into the same category as the Goebbels film “Jud Süß” (Jew Suss) and the KKK movie “Birth of a Nation”.

这就是法西斯影视；它和戈培尔的电影“犹太佬”和三K党的电影“一个国家的诞生”属于同一类。

The reason this series stands out to me so much, in all of the contexts that we just discussed, is because we live in a time in which post-modern cultural politics is very popular.

之所以这个电视剧对我来讲这么刺眼，即便考虑到我们之前探讨的环境也是如此，是因为我们生活在一个后现代文化政治极受欢迎的时代。

The study of fascism through its history and its political theorists is widely discarded.

通过历史和政治理论家对分析师进行的研究被广泛地抛弃了。

I bet you most self-declared anti-fascists watching this video have in fact never even heard of Ivan Ilyin or Karl Schmidt.

我打赌你们这些自我宣称的反法西斯者大多数从没有听说或伊万·伊林或者卡尔·施密特。

Instead, politics is increasingly understood as a process driven by art and culture, and therefore the study of movies and fiction of artistic narratives and the supposed hidden political meanings of them is emphasized.

相对地，政治更多地被理解为一个由艺术和文化驱动的过程，于是乎对电影和艺术性创作以及其设想中隐藏的政治意义被当作重点。

The study of politics has increasingly been surrendered to pop culture critics, literary critics and artists.

对政治的研究被逐渐让位给了流行文化批评家，文学批评家和艺术家。

From Umberto Eco's famous list, to Slavoj Zizek's interpretations of films, to also a countless series of essayists that you will also find here on YouTube.

从安伯托·艾柯著名的名单，到斯拉沃热·齐泽克对电影的解读，到油管上数不可数的写手们。

Throughout all of them, people will tell you how to recognize a fascist based on a set of aesthetics or pop culture phenomena, rather than based on the interpretation of any real political theory, text or practice.

他们所有人都会告诉你如何去辨识一个法西斯，通过一系列审美观或是流行文化现象，而不是基于对任何真正的政治理论、书本或行为的了解。

And it is almost funny to me how you have this almost massive industry, of sorts, of pop culture critics and essayists, educated and specialized in art college in how to find the hidden political meanings and the hidden fascisms within modern pop culture, and yet not a single one of them recognized a piece of overt fascist cinema made in our time.

而对我来讲几乎可笑的是，这几乎一条产业链上的各种流行文化评论家和写手，在大学接受教育并专门学习了如何在现代流行文化里找到那些隐藏的意义和隐藏的法西斯，然而他们中没有一个人认出了一份当代制造的不加掩饰的法西斯宣传影片。

They universally failed at the one thing that they claimed to be their purpose of existing.

他们普遍地失败于他们自称存在的意义。

The only people you will find who recognize this series for the piece of fascist cinema that it is are people whose background lies in history and political science;

你会发现只有那些有历史和政治科学背景的人才识别出了这个法西斯影片。

In particular the historian Timothy Snyder has been sounding the alarm bells for years on the sinister implications of Putin's obsession with Ivan Ilyin, and was one of the few people who recognized this series for the piece of fascist cinema that it actually is.

尤其是历史学家蒂莫西·斯奈德从好几年前就关于普京对伊林的痴迷开始敲响警钟，且他是为数不多辨识出这个电视剧是法西斯宣传的人之一。

So, one takeaway when it comes to the study of politics and history, is that maybe we should listen more to actual historians and political scientists, rather than just pop culture critics.

所以，这个视频关于学习政治和历史的一个教训就是我们应该更多地听听真正的历史学家和政治科学家，而不只是流行文化评论家。

I would however also blame a willful widespread ignorance, especially where I live in Europe.

我也想批评一种普遍的自发性无知，尤其是在我所生活的欧洲。

Cultural politics may be more of an American problem, but it cannot be denied that many European advocates of liberal democracy were in a state of self-denial over the direction that Russia was heading into.

文化政治可能是一个更加美国的问题，但是无法否定很多欧洲的自由主义民主支持者对待俄罗斯发展的方向上曾处在一种自我否定的状态里。

European, in particular western European policy towards Russia was dominated by assumptions of an inevitable democratization of Russia.

欧洲，尤其是西欧对俄罗斯的政策被俄罗斯终将民主化的假设所主导。

All the Putin regime did were just criminal excesses, that would fade away with the eventual demise of Putin in a decade or so.

普京政权所做的一切就只是犯罪的放纵，在十几年普京死后就会逐渐消失。

Whatever nonsense he spewed was irrelevant, because the neoliberal economics of shared trade would generate prosperity, a middle class, and consequently democracy in Russia anyway.

他说的一切屁话都无关紧要，因为后自由主义经济学的开放通商将生成财富，一个中产阶级，因此也迟早会在俄罗斯形成民主。

This was probably one of the most demonstrably stupid foreign policy approaches in recent history.

这是近代历史上能够证实的最愚蠢的外交政策方针之一。

I am certain that a few years from now Schroeder’s and Merkel’s approach to Russia will be remembered in the same way as Chamberlain's appeasement approach to Hitler, and his notorious peace of our time.

我很确信几年后施罗德和默克尔对俄罗斯的态度将会被人们和张伯伦对希特勒的绥靖政策对等，以及他臭名昭著的“我们时代的和平”厕纸。

It is almost a symbol of an enormous problem in modern European foreign policy.

它几乎是现代欧洲外交政策一个巨大问题的缩影。

We Europeans like to arrogantly point at the Americans as supposed enablers of foreign dictatorships, and go very silent when we are asked how French Mirage fighter jets ended up in the hands of Saddam Hussein and apartheid South Africa, where they were used to bomb Kurds and Angolan villages;

我们欧洲人喜欢自大地指责美国人是外国独裁政权的使能犯，然而当人问起法国的幻影战斗机是怎么跑到萨达姆和种族隔离南非的手里，并用来轰炸库尔德人和安哥拉村庄时缄默不语；

How Pinochet used helicopters that he bought from Germany to murder dissidents;

抑或是皮诺切特如何用他从德国买来的直升机来谋杀抗议者；

Or that throughout the 2000s, Italy sold billions of modern weapon systems for tanks to the Syrian Assad regime, where they were used against the Syrian people;

或是2000年到2010年间意大利向叙利亚阿萨德政权出售了上亿美元的现代坦克武器系统，而他们被用在了叙利亚人民身上；

Or that the French were actually just about to sell an amphibious assault ship to Russia right up to 2014.

或是法国2014年前差一点就要把一艘两栖作战舰卖给俄罗斯。

The majority of my subscribers and audience are European and I really want to hammer this point in, especially to you.

我的订阅者和观众里大部份都是欧洲人，所以我真的想把这一点传达清楚，尤其是给你们。

Our foreign policy towards dictatorships, especially in Western Europe, is dangerous and hypocritical.

我们对独裁政府的外交政策，尤其是西欧，是非常危险且虚伪的。

We have a long tradition of stupid European foreign policy regarding this.

关于这个问题，我们有一长窜愚蠢的欧洲外交历史。

Capitalism and market integration are not some magical potion that will create democratic institutions out of thin air, especially if you sell weapons to dictators.

资本发展和市场整合不是什么能够凭空创造民主制度的魔法药水，尤其是当你把武器卖给独裁者的时候。

The German practice of buying Russian hydrocarbons in fact amplified the increasing Russian wealth inequality, and consequent degrading of the last remaining democratic institutions of Russia.

德国购买俄国天然气的做法实际上加剧了俄罗斯人逐渐变大的贫富差距，而因此削弱了俄罗斯最后仅剩的一点民主体制。

There's this funny incident from a few years ago, which I believe is very symbolic of Western Europe's, and in particularly Germany's, mistaken assumptions on Russia.

曾有这么一个可笑的事情发生在几年前，而我相信这是西欧，尤其是德国对俄罗斯的错误猜想的象征。

That was when the Russian foreign minister Lavrov visited Germany, gave a speech at some gathering, and in that speech, said that the German reunification of West and East Germany was actually illegal and should not have happened.

那就是当俄国外交部长拉夫罗夫造访德国的时候，在某个集会上做了个演讲，而在那个演讲里说到东西德国的再统一实际上是不合法的，并且本不应该发生。

Everyone in the audience started laughing. “Ja! What a funny joke, ze funny Russian man.”

观众里的所有人都开始笑。“口牙！真是个好笑话，那俄罗斯人真幽默。”

But barely anyone noticed that Lavrov was not laughing. He was being serious!

但是几乎没有人注意到拉夫罗夫没有在笑。他是认真的！

This is what his government actually believes, and when someone tells you who they are, it is best for you to listen, rather than arrogantly presume the right to interpret who they are for them.

他的政府是真的这么相信的，而当某个人告诉你他们是谁，你最好认真听，而不是自大地假设自己有权利替他们诠释他们是谁。

Because if you do that, in the end, you will only lie to yourself, and this is a very valuable lesson that I hope we now learn as a result of recent events.

因为如果你这么做，到最后你只能骗你自己，而鉴于近期发生的事件，我希望我们现在学到了这宝贵的一课。

A Russian friend of mine who really wanted me to make this video, and sent me screencaps of Ilyin in her University textbooks insisted that I should not give her a shout out;

 

But asked me instead to promote her favorite LGBT charity, that helps gay, lesbian and trans Russians, who as you can probably guess, live rather difficult lives in Russia.

 

You will find a link to it in the description. If you enjoyed this video, don't forget to like it and share it. you can support my channel through Patreon, channel membership or a donation, and I hope to see you soon again.