（文章翻译）拜占庭安纳托利亚的气候和环境：整合科学、历史和考古学（第四部分）
Author(s): John Haldon, Neil Roberts, Adam Izdebski, Dominik Fleitmann, Michael McCormick, Marica Cassis, Owen Doonan, Warren Eastwood, Hugh Elton, Sabine Ladstätter, Sturt Manning, James Newhard, Kathleen Nicoll, Ioannes Telelis and Elena Xoplaki
Published by: The MIT Press
翻译：神尾智代
Gathering the dat
收集数据
A close look at palynological data from a series of sites across the western half of Anatolia is highly informative. Pollen from flora representing both human activities (from cereals and nut trees, for example, or the weeds and grasses favored for grazing livestock) and the natural vegetation that replaces crops or expands to occupy formerly tilled land are suggestive of particular agricultural patterns. A first conclusion is that Anatolia's arable and pastoral land, even the marginal areas, was, with regional variations according to local conditions, put to relatively intensive use during the sixth and seventh centuries. Both the palynological record and the archaeological evidence indicate that much of the region was densely inhabited and characterized by mixed farming.
仔细观察来自安纳托利亚西半部一系列地点的孢粉学数据会提供大量信息。 来自代表人类活动的植物群花粉（例如来自谷物和坚果树，或用于放牧牲畜的杂草和草）和取代作物或扩大占据以前耕地的自然植被，都暗示了特定的农业模式。 第一个结论是，安纳托利亚的耕地和牧区，甚至是边缘地区，在六、七世纪期间，因地方情况而有所差异，得到了相对密集的利用。 孢粉学记录和考古证据表明，该地区的大部分地区人口稠密，以混合农业为特征。
Beginning in the seventh century, however, this intensive and relatively homogenous exploitation of land receded, at different rates, across the southern Balkans and much of Asia Minor with the entire BOP agricultural régime. In its place, many locations underwent a sequence of progressive expansion of natural vegetation increasingly prominent indications of post-arable growth, followed by scrub, and either wild grasses and steppic vegetation or woodland re-growth. Other locations show evidence of continued anthropogenic land use but with a much more limited range of crops that varied according to specific local conditions. Cereal production and livestock raising began to dominate, and the cultivation of vines and olives to decrease dramatically in many areas.
然而，从 7 世纪开始，这种对土地的密集和相对同质化的开发以不同的速度在巴尔干南部和小亚细亚的大部分地区以及整个 BOP 农业制度消退。 取而代之的是，许多地方经历了一系列自然植被逐渐扩张的过程，越来越突出的后耕地生长迹象，其次是灌木丛，野草和草原植被或林地重新生长。 其他地点显示出持续人为土地利用的证据，但根据当地特定条件而变化的作物范围更为有限。 谷物生产和牲畜饲养开始占主导地位，许多地区的葡萄树和橄榄种植急剧减少。
Palynological investigation shows considerably less pollen from fruit trees of all types for this period. Parts of inland Bithynia in northwest Anatolia, close to Constantinople, however, appear to defy this trend to some extent, showing signs that the BOP suite of cultivars continued unbroken, albeit with an overall reduction in the volume of production. By contrast, the evidence suggests that the coastal regions of Bithynia increased their reliance on pastoral farming at the expense of cereal and fruit production, possibly testifying to the frequent sea-borne attacks there during the second half of the seventh and early eighth centuries, which made such cultivation risky. The survival of traditional agriculture in inland areas, away from the threatened coastal areas, may reflect market demand from Constantinople.
孢粉学调查显示，这一时期所有类型果树的花粉明显减少。然而，靠近君士坦丁堡的安纳托利亚西北部内陆比提尼亚的部分地区似乎在一定程度上违背了这一趋势，表明品种的 BOP 套件继续不间断，尽管产量总体下降。相比之下，有证据表明，比提尼亚沿海地区以牺牲谷物和水果生产为代价，增加了对畜牧业的依赖，这可能证明了 7 世纪下半叶和 8 世纪初那里频繁的海上袭击，使这样的培养有风险。远离受威胁的沿海地区的内陆地区传统农业的生存可能反映了君士坦丁堡的市场需求。
As a whole, Anatolia in this period evinces a much-simplified agro-pastoral regime and a reduced level of activity. The wholesale retreat from many of the marginal areas that had formerly been farmed and the often-dramatic reduction in farming elsewhere might be indicative of a reduced rural population in some areas as well - certainly in the Konya plain region, where a hitherto dense settlement relying on extensive seasonal irrigation vanished in the later seventh/ early eighth century. A similar pattern is evident in the material remains at Çadir Höyük (in the basin of the Kanak Su, Yozgat province), where the wealthy settlement of the late antique period was replaced by a smaller habitation. Although the dates are still difficult to assess, these changes appear to have been roughly contemporary with those in the broader region. Similar developments appear to have occurred in Cappadocia, Bithynia, and eastern Paphlagonia. Although the evidence for these developments is patchy, and many more sample sites are necessary to ensure comprehensive coverage (particularly in the lowland sites where many cities were located), the overall picture appears to fit well with the textual and the archaeological evidence about the collapse of established urban and agricultural customs, the downward demographic trend, and the general militarization of the Empire's provincial society.
总体而言，这一时期的安纳托利亚体现了一个大大简化的农牧体制和减少的活动水平。许多以前种植的边缘地区的大规模撤退以及其他地方的农业经常急剧减少可能表明某些地区的农村人口也在减少——尤其是在科尼亚平原地区，那里迄今为止密集的定居点依赖于广泛的季节性灌溉在七世纪后期/八世纪初期消失了。在 Çadir Höyük（位于约兹加特省 Kanak Su 盆地）的材料遗迹中，类似的模式很明显，在那里，古代晚期的富裕定居点被一个较小的居住区所取代。尽管日期仍然难以评估，但这些变化似乎与更广泛地区的变化大致同时发生。卡帕多西亚、比提尼亚和帕夫拉戈尼亚东部似乎也出现了类似的发展。尽管这些发展的证据不完整，并且需要更多的样本站点以确保全面覆盖（特别是在许多城市所在的低地站点），但总体情况似乎与关于崩溃的文字和考古证据非常吻合已建立的城市和农业习俗、人口下降趋势以及帝国省级社会的普遍军事化。
In some regions, after 100 to 250 years, a further shift is evident in the pollen, indicating greater entrenchment of this simplified regime; an expansion of large-scale pastoral farming; and a reappearance, in some contexts, of cultivars, mainly cereals, but also traces of vines, olives, and fruits. This slight return coincides with the political and economic recovery of the Empire during the later ninth and tenth centuries, as well as with the end of a drier (and cooler) period that had lasted from the eighth into the tenth century (see Figure 4).
在一些地区，经过 100 到 250 年，花粉的进一步变化明显，表明这种简化制度的根深蒂固； 扩大规模化的畜牧业； 在某些情况下，重新出现栽培品种，主要是谷物，但也有葡萄藤、橄榄和水果的痕迹。 这种轻微的回归恰逢 9 世纪后期和 10 世纪帝国的政治和经济复苏，以及从 8 世纪持续到 10 世纪的干燥（和凉爽）时期的结束（见图 4） .
By way of illustration, the palynological data from Nar Gölü - which included the Roman and Byzantine center of Nazianzos, laying just to the north of the current Melendiz Ovasi (Bishop's Meadow) - indicates a significant agrarian recovery during the second half of the tenth century C.E., presenting a new configuration in the region's rural economy. The area now placed greater emphasis on cereal production and livestock herding, as opposed to the orchards and gardens of the bop before its abrupt termination in the region between, roughly, 670 and 690.
举例来说，来自 Nar Gölü 的孢粉学数据——包括位于现在的 Melendiz Ovasi（主教草甸）以北的纳齐安索斯的罗马和拜占庭中心——表明十世纪下半叶农业的显着恢复，这呈现出该地区农村经济的新格局。该地区现在更加重视谷物生产和牲畜放牧，而不是在大约 670 到 690 年之间突然终止之前的果园和花园。
In the 960s, just to the south of Nar Gölii, was a productive and wealthy imperial estate (called Drizion in the Byzantine sources). Contemporary sources imply that it had only recently become safe from hostile attack, after years of warfare and conflict. It may well be the activities of such imperial estates, in expanding or re-establishing cereal production, among other crops, that the pollen data for the period from 950 onward reflect. But we also know that a number of Anatolian aristocratic landlords began to invest in expanding their estates around this time, coinciding with the height of imperial political and military power and expansion and widespread growth of the agrarian economy in the Byzantine world. Was the degree of this improvement in the economic, political, and military fortunes of the Empire - more specifically，its social elite in Asia Minor - aided by an amelioration in the climate regime?
在 960 年代，就在 Nar Gölii 的南部，是一个富有成效且富有的帝国庄园（在拜占庭文献中称为 Drizion）。当代消息来源暗示，经过多年的战争和冲突，它最近才免受敌对袭击。950 年以后的花粉数据很可能反映了这些皇家庄园在扩大或重建谷物生产以及其他作物方面的活动。但我们也知道，一些安纳托利亚贵族地主大约在这个时期开始投资扩大他们的庄园，恰逢拜占庭世界帝国政治和军事力量的鼎盛时期以及农业经济的扩张和广泛增长。帝国的经济、政治和军事财富——更具体地说，是小亚细亚的社会精英——的这种改善程度是否得益于气候制度的改善？
A persuasive universal explanation for these developments is still elusive. Most, but not all, of the shifts inferred from the palaeoecological record can be demonstrated to coincide neatly with known political events, such as the Arab-Islamic invasions from the late seventh century. Moreover, not all of the "climate change" events fit perfectly with other types of events. The substantial regional variation across Anatolia (as indicated by the palaeoclimatic data), which we have already discussed, is rarely given sufficient attention. It is particularly relevant in this context, especially with respect to the contrast between central Anatolia and the western areas and their very different climate regimes and sometimes trajectories (see, for example, Figure 2a). Anatolia's apparent climatic instability suggests that environmental shifts may have contributed significantly to changes in the vegetation reflected in the pollen data from the fifth and sixth centuries into the seventh and eighth centuries. But because many pollen deposits, as well as climatic changes, are amenable to only approximate dating, their exact relationship remains obscure at most sites.
对这些发展的有说服力的普遍解释仍然难以捉摸。大多数（但不是全部）从古生态记录推断的变化都可以证明与已知的政治事件完全一致，例如 7 世纪后期的阿拉伯 - 伊斯兰入侵。此外，并非所有“气候变化”事件都与其他类型的事件完美契合。我们已经讨论过的整个安纳托利亚的巨大区域差异（如古气候数据所示）很少得到足够的关注。在这方面尤其重要，尤其是在安纳托利亚中部和西部地区之间的对比以及它们非常不同的气候状况和有时的轨迹方面（例如，参见图 2a）。安纳托利亚明显的气候不稳定性表明，环境变化可能对从 5 世纪和 6 世纪到 7 世纪和 8 世纪的花粉数据中反映的植被变化做出了重大贡献。但是由于许多花粉沉积以及气候变化只能进行近似测年，因此它们的确切关系在大多数地点仍然不清楚。
As already noted, in some areas, such as around Lake Beysehir on the western edge of the plateau, or around Sagalassos in Pisidia, the change in vegetation patterns occurred across the period from the first half of the sixth century into the mid-seventh century, but with a high level of local variation within a small area. At the coastal sites in Lycia, in the Bereket Valley south of Sagalassos, and on the southern Aegean littoral, the end of the BOP appears even earlier; in Bithynia, Paphlagonia, and Pontus, the seventh century marks the key transition, although the traditional suite of cultivars may have survived into the eighth century in certain localities. In parts of Cappadocia, however, the 670s certainly denote an end to BOP-type agriculture but not any clearly identifiable shift in climate. At Lake Nar, some 30 km south-west of Derinkuyu, the bop ended precipitously within the period 664 to 678 C.E., dateable by annually laminated high-resolution sediments from the lake. Here a decided increase in tree pollen and a decrease in anthropogenic indicators (for example, Olea, cereal pollen types) is noticeable, and analysis of the pollen concentrations indicates a substantial, and abrupt, increase in tree cover and/or density.
如前所述，在某些地区，例如高原西部边缘的 Beysehir 湖周围或 Pisidia 的 Sagalassos 周围，植被模式的变化发生在从 6 世纪上半叶到 7 世纪中叶的整个时期，但在小区域内具有高度的局部变异。在 Lycia 的沿海地区、Sagalassos 以南的 Bereket 山谷和爱琴海南部沿海地区，BOP的末端出现得更早；在 Bithynia、Paphlagonia 和 Pontus，7 世纪标志着关键的转变，尽管传统的栽培品种在某些地方可能已经存活到 8 世纪。然而，在卡帕多西亚的部分地区，670 年代肯定意味着 BOP 型农业的终结，但并没有任何明显可识别的气候变化。在德林库尤西南约 30 公里处的纳尔湖，波峰在公元 664 至 678 年间突然结束，可通过该湖每年层叠的高分辨率沉积物确定年代。在这里，树木花粉的明显增加和人为指标（例如，油橄榄、谷物花粉类型）的减少是显而易见的，花粉浓度分析表明树木覆盖率和/或密度显着且突然增加。
A sustained increase in pine-pollen percentages is typical of many other western Anatolian pollen diagrams that record the end of the BOP, by all accounts signifying an expansion of pine forests across the Taurus and Pontic Mountain chains, though probably at some distance from Nar. The sustained increase in deciduous oak pollen, however, most likely reflects expanding oak woodland areas and/or an increase in tree density more locally within Cappadocia.
松花粉百分比的持续增加是许多其他记录BOP结束的安纳托利亚西部花粉图的典型特征，所有人都认为这意味着松林在金牛座和庞蒂克山脉上的扩张，尽管可能距离纳尔有一段距离。 然而，落叶橡树花粉的持续增加很可能反映了橡树林地面积的扩大和/或卡帕多西亚当地树木密度的增加。
Significantly, pollen percentages for grasses associated with steppe vegetation also declined in this period, possibly implying that woody vegetation began to cover some of the areas previously dedicated to livestock grazing. At Nar Lake highly resolved palaeoclimatic data show a distinct change in conditions - from humid to more arid - but only from 750 C. Importantly, the pollen and the independent climate proxies, such as oxygen isotopes, come from the same sediment cores, thus precluding the possibility of miscorrelation. In this particular example, it has been possible to demonstrate a reasonably persuasive association between anthropogenic activity - intensive Arab raiding that devastated the landscape during the years in question - and the picture derived from the environmental data. No simple correlation exists between societal collapse and any adverse climatic changes in the Nar Lake record during the seventh and eighth centuries. The re-occupation of Cappadocia between 850 and 950 C.E., however, coincided with an amelioration of the climate toward wetter conditions, suggesting that an increasingly propitious agro-climatic environment may have encouraged the re-establishment of the middle Byzantine rural economy. So far, however, Nar Lake presents the only case study in which this degree of cross-disciplinary interpretation has been possible (see Table 3).
值得注意的是，与草原植被相关的草的花粉百分比在此期间也有所下降，这可能意味着木本植被开始覆盖一些以前专门用于放牧的地区。在纳尔湖，高分辨率的古气候数据显示条件的明显变化——从潮湿到更干旱——但仅从750年开始。重要的是，花粉和独立的气候代理，如氧同位素，来自相同的沉积物核心，因此排除了不相关的可能性。在这个特定的例子中，已经有可能证明人为活动（在相关年份对景观造成破坏的密集阿拉伯袭击）与从环境数据得出的图片之间存在合理的说服力。在7世纪和8世纪，纳尔湖记录中的社会崩溃与任何不利的气候变化之间不存在简单的相关性。然而，公元850 年至950年卡帕多西亚的重新占领恰逢气候向湿润条件的改善，这表明日益有利的农业气候环境可能促进了拜占庭中部农村经济的重建。然而，到目前为止，Nar Lake 提出了唯一一个可以进行这种程度的跨学科解释的案例研究（见表 3）。
Archaeological site surveys provide an alternative data set for changes in rural population. A number of the recent field surveys in Anatolia have begun to yield settlement data within systematic sampling programs. The majority of them are multi-period field programs, though the Sagalassos regional survey in Pisidia, for one, was initially prompted by interest in a particular archaeological period - the Hellenistic-Roman-Byzantine. Identification of siteoccupation periods is primarily based on analysis of potsherds collected in the field, the typology of which allows attribution to broad archaeological phases lasting several centuries (for instance, the late Roman). Periods of site abandonment, which are represented by the absence of evidence, are, by definition, harder to define and identify.
考古遗址调查为农村人口的变化提供了另一种数据集。 最近在安纳托利亚进行的一些实地调查已经开始在系统抽样计划中产生定居点数据。 其中大多数是多时期的实地项目，尽管在 Pisidia 的 Sagalassos 区域调查首先是出于对特定考古时期的兴趣——希腊化-罗马-拜占庭时期。 遗址占用时期的确定主要基于对现场收集的陶片的分析，其类型允许归因于持续几个世纪的广泛考古阶段（例如，晚期罗马）。 以缺乏证据为代表的场地废弃时期，根据定义，更难定义和识别。
Despite the unavoidably broad dating for many archaeological periods, some of the Anatolian site surveys manage to shed light on changing rural settlement patterns between 200 C and 1000 C.E., as we can illustrate with results from the Sinop and Balboura Regional Archaeological Surveys. The Sinop survey demonstrates a remarkable rise in settlement density from the fourth century along the east-facing coast to the south of the main port. This coast was known in antiquity as the most favorable along the Black Sea for the production of olives. Strabo, the first-century B.C.E. geographer, who was a native of the region and almost certainly an eyewitness, described it as thickly planted with olive groves. Furthermore, olive pits have been recovered from locally produced late Roman amphorae raised from the Sinop harbor area. Environmental evidence is still under analysis, but there is a dramatic drop in settlement density in the Demirci valley, 15 km south of Sinop, from forty-five recorded archaeological sites to a mere eight Middle-Late Byzantine sites; and in the Kirkgeçitcayi valley, from forty-six Late Roman sites to just four Middle-Late Byzantine sites. Based on the datable material finds, this decrease in the number of identifiable settlements appears to correspond with the seventh century, consistent with the cool/wet climatic conditions associated with the end of the bop.
尽管许多考古时期的年代都不可避免地广泛，但一些安纳托利亚遗址调查设法揭示了公元 200 年至公元 1000 年间农村聚落模式的变化，正如我们可以用锡诺普和巴尔布拉地区考古调查的结果来说明的那样。锡诺普调查表明，从四世纪起，沿东向海岸到主要港口以南的定居密度显着增加。这个海岸在古代被称为黑海沿岸最适合生产橄榄的海岸。斯特拉博，公元前一世纪地理学家是该地区的本地人，几乎可以肯定是目击者，他将其描述为种植了茂密的橄榄树。此外，从锡诺普港地区当地生产的晚期罗马双耳瓶中回收了橄榄核。环境证据仍在分析中，但锡诺普以南 15 公里处的德米尔奇山谷的定居密度急剧下降，从有记录的 45 个考古遗址减少到仅 8 个中晚期拜占庭遗址；在 Kirkgeçitcayi 山谷，从 46 个晚期罗马遗址到仅 4 个中晚期拜占庭遗址。根据数据材料的发现，可识别定居点数量的减少似乎与 7 世纪相对应，与与波普结束相关的凉爽/潮湿气候条件一致。
A crop like olives, always marginal in the Black Sea, would be highly sensitive to this climatic shift. The radical reduction in rural settlement in the Sinop hinterland could be explained by the collapse of a near-monopoly on olive exports in the Black Sea linked to climate "deterioration." Olive cultivation would also have been sensitive to temperature conditions, especially in spring, and the severe winters that became increasingly common from the sixth century onward (see appendix 1) made olive trees at or above 1,000 masl (meters above sea level) increasingly vulnerable to frost damage. A postclassical decline in olive cultivation is evident both archaeologically and in pollen diagrams (see Figure 5), at least in part due to climatic adversity.
像橄榄这样的作物在黑海总是处于边缘地位，对这种气候变化非常敏感。 锡诺普腹地农村定居点的急剧减少可以用与气候“恶化”相关的黑海橄榄出口近乎垄断的崩溃来解释。 橄榄种植也对温度条件很敏感，尤其是在春季，而从 6 世纪开始越来越普遍的严冬（见附录 1）使得海拔 1,000 masl（海平面以上）的橄榄树越来越容易受到 冻害。 在考古学和花粉图（见图 5）中，橄榄种植的后古典衰退很明显，至少部分是由于气候逆境。
A similar case involving the potential influence of climate on the economic history of the countryside is manifest in the results of the archaeological survey around the classical city of Balboura in northern Lycia (southwestern Anatolia), almost all of its territory above 1,200 masI. As in the Sinop region, the rural settlement of the main Roman period continued into late antiquity. The total number of potsherds from this remote highland area rose in the fifth century, reaching a peak two centuries later, just when the economic system of the Eastern Roman Empire was failing. Yet after another 100 years, the entire area seems to have been abandoned; no substantial ceramic finds date later than the eighth century C.E. (see Figure 5). Interestingly, even for this final century, there is enough evidence to suggest that the city of Balboura had continuous access to the wider networks of commercial exchange, creating no impression of gradual economic decline.
一个类似的案例涉及气候对农村经济史的潜在影响，这体现在围绕吕西亚北部（安纳托利亚西南部）古典城市巴尔博拉的考古调查结果中，该城市几乎所有的领土都在 1,200 masI 以上。 与锡诺普地区一样，主要罗马时期的农村定居点一直延续到古代晚期。 这个偏远高地地区的陶片总数在公元五世纪上升，两个世纪后达到顶峰，就在东罗马帝国的经济体系崩溃之时。 然而又过了 100 年，整个地区似乎都被废弃了； 没有发现可追溯到公元 8 世纪之后的实质性陶瓷（见图 5）。 有趣的是，即使在最后一个世纪，也有足够的证据表明巴尔博拉市可以持续进入更广泛的商业交流网络，没有造成经济逐渐衰退的印象。
Although the depopulation of the area cannot be easily linked to any specifically identifiable political or military factor, location, with respect to both climatic and strategic circumstances, appears to have been the key to its eighth-century abandonment. As the micro-climate of this highland became drier and colder during the course of the eighth century, agriculture in such a relatively marginal area became impractical and cost-ineffective, especially with such crops as olive trees and vines, which are sensitive to spring frost. Such a marginal agrarian economy was also highly vulnerable to the sort of disruption that hostile military activity caused, even if only occasionally. Given the many other more attractive territories in southwestern Anatolia that had become underpopulated by this time as a result of warfare and other calamities, researchers surmise, plausibly enough, that the population simply migrated to more favorable districts.
尽管该地区的人口减少不能轻易与任何具体的政治或军事因素联系起来，但从气候和战略环境来看，地理位置似乎是其 8 世纪被遗弃的关键。 八世纪以来，随着这片高原的微气候变得更加干燥和寒冷，在这样一个相对边缘地区的农业变得不切实际且成本效益低，尤其是橄榄树和葡萄藤等对春季霜冻敏感的作物 . 这种边缘化的农业经济也极易受到敌对军事活动造成的破坏，即使只是偶尔。 鉴于安纳托利亚西南部的许多其他更具吸引力的地区由于战争和其他灾难而在此时变得人口稀少，研究人员推测，很有可能，人口只是迁移到更有利的地区。
The combined pollen and stable-isotope record from Gölhisar Gölü - near the classical city of Kibyra, which lies adjacent to Balboura, but at a slightly lower elevation (930 masI) - lacks the detailed sampling resolution and precise dating control of the Nar Lake record; only long-term (multicentennial) trends can be recognized in it (see Figure 5). It is a perfect example of the limitations inherent in low-resolution data regarding the kind of shorter-term events or extremes that the Nar data are able to capture. Nevertheless, by using a multi-proxy approach from the same core sequence, it can be demonstrated that because the onset of drier and probably colder climatic conditions did not begin before the end of the bop (dated in this case to sometime between 600 and 735 C.E.), it cannot have caused the end of the BOP.
来自 Gölhisar Gölü 的花粉和稳定同位素组合记录 - 靠近经典城市 Kibyra，该市毗邻 Balboura，但海拔略低（930 masI） - 缺乏纳尔湖记录的详细采样分辨率和精确年代控制 ; 其中只能识别长期（百年）趋势（见图 5）。 这是关于 Nar 数据能够捕获的短期事件或极端事件类型的低分辨率数据固有局限性的一个完美示例。 然而，通过使用来自同一核心序列的多代理方法，可以证明，因为更干燥和可能更冷的气候条件的开始并未在 bop 结束之前开始（在这种情况下，日期为 600 到 735 年），它不可能导致 BOP 的结束。
The trend toward a drier climate between 660 and 960 C.E. is likely, however, to have deterred Balboura's population from continuing its commitment to a place with an increasingly marginal agrarian economy, and although location was a key factor, the additional threat of Arab invasion may have been an added disincentive. The local community might have persisted if faced with only one of these dangers, but the resilience of Balboura and other upland cities would have been severely tested with both of them in place. The pollen evidence in Balboura, unlike that in Cappadocia, shows that this area of southwest Anatolia did not see a return to crop production in medieval times, in spite of archaeological evidence for re-occupation. The new economy was likely based on nomadic pastoralism rather than year-round settlement; crops such as olive trees played no part in it.
然而，公元 660 年至 960 年间气候干燥的趋势很可能阻止了巴尔博拉的人口继续其对农业经济日益边缘化的地方的承诺，尽管地理位置是一个关键因素，但阿拉伯入侵的额外威胁可能 一直是一个额外的抑制因素。 如果只面临其中一种危险，当地社区可能会坚持下去，但是如果两者都到位，巴尔博拉和其他高地城市的复原力就会受到严峻考验。 巴尔博拉的花粉证据与卡帕多西亚的不同，表明安纳托利亚西南部的这一地区在中世纪时期并未恢复作物生产，尽管有考古证据表明重新有人居住。 新经济很可能基于游牧业而不是全年定居； 橄榄树等作物在其中没有发挥作用。
All of the pollen and archaeological data collected thus far indicate a degree of interregional variation, suggesting that the end of the established patterns of land use depended on specific local factors. When placed in the broader context of the eastern Mediterranean basin, we might suspect that the plague of Justinian also played a demographic role, however randomly differential its impact was according to area, population, and settlement density or such natural environmental factors as the dust- veil event of the late 530s. The cooler and less stable climatic conditions in Anatolia after the sixth century C.E. must have rendered some agricultural activities more marginal than before, possibly accounting for the development of a less vulnerable, simpler, and safer mode of agrarian economy.
迄今为止收集的所有花粉和考古数据都表明存在一定程度的区域间差异，这表明既定的土地利用模式的结束取决于特定的当地因素。 当放在地中海东部盆地的更广泛背景下时，我们可能会怀疑查士丁尼瘟疫也发挥了人口作用，但其影响是根据面积、人口和定居密度或诸如尘土之类的自然环境因素随机区分的。 530 年代末的面纱事件。 公元 6 世纪之后安纳托利亚较冷且不太稳定的气候条件一定使一些农业活动比以前更加边缘化，这可能是导致发展较不脆弱、更简单和更安全的农业经济模式的原因。
The regionally specific suite of cultivars and agrarian activities characteristic of the period until the sixth and early seventh centuries managed to survive in some areas - parts of Bithynia, Paphlagonia, and the central plateau - into the eighth century, notwithstanding changes in climatic conditions. In other areas, changes that are evident in the palynological data appear to have occurred at times when no evidence for a shift in the prevailing climate is available; we may make the hardly remarkable assumption that human agency was responsible. The intervention of human agents on the environment in response to a range of social and economic pressures or stimuli - market demand, political conditions, fiscal demands, and so forth - is commonplace.
尽管气候条件发生了变化，但直到 6 世纪和 7 世纪初，这一时期特有的一系列区域性栽培品种和农业活动仍设法在某些地区——比提尼亚、帕夫拉戈尼亚和中部高原的部分地区——存活到了 8 世纪。 在其他地区，孢粉学数据中明显的变化似乎发生在没有证据表明主要气候发生变化的时候； 我们可能会做出一个几乎不显着的假设，即人类机构是负责的。 为应对一系列社会和经济压力或刺激——市场需求、政治条件、财政需求等——人类代理人对环境的干预是司空见惯的。
In the case of the seventh-century eastern Roman world, important and largely overlooked historical data suggest that farmers reacted to perceived environmental changes by introducing new crops and that the state reacted to the loss of the eastern provinces and the serious threat posed by the Arab-Islamic attacks by instituting a new tax policy, by organizing the military, and by controlling resources. We surmise that the adverse environmental conditions of this period contributed, at least in part, to the persistence, rather than the demise, of a political system - a point deserving of its own detailed argument elsewhere.
就 7 世纪的东罗马世界而言，重要但在很大程度上被忽视的历史数据表明，农民通过引进新作物来应对感知到的环境变化，国家对东部省份的丧失和阿拉伯人构成的严重威胁做出反应。 - 通过制定新的税收政策、组织军队和控制资源来发动伊斯兰袭击。 我们推测，这一时期不利的环境条件至少在一定程度上促成了政治制度的持续存在，而不是消亡——这一点值得在别处进行详细论证。
This article compares and synthesizes evidence from multiple disciplinary traditions - the documentary sources of historians, the material culture of archaeologists, the pollen of palynologists, and the stalagmite chemistry of earth scientists. We have focused on western and central Anatolia during the millennium-long transition from the classical to the medieval world. Maintaining spatial congruence ensures a working scale on which climatic and societal changes were broadly homogenous, permitting analysis of the complex causal relationships between human activity, environmental change, and the transformation of social, economic, and political structures. Any attempt to examine the Eastern Roman Empire as a whole would amalgamate regions with distinct environmental histories (for instance, Egypt vs. Anatolia). Wider geographical linkages certainly exist, both societal and environmental, but they are less likely to map onto each other.
本文比较并综合了来自多个学科传统的证据——历史学家的文献资料、考古学家的物质文化、孢粉学家的花粉以及地球科学家的石笋化学。 在从古典世界到中世纪世界的千年过渡期间，我们专注于安纳托利亚西部和中部。 保持空间一致性可确保气候和社会变化大致相同的工作尺度，从而允许分析人类活动、环境变化以及社会、经济和政治结构转变之间的复杂因果关系。 任何将东罗马帝国作为一个整体来考察的尝试都会将具有不同环境历史的地区合并在一起（例如，埃及与安纳托利亚）。 更广泛的地理联系肯定存在，包括社会和环境，但它们不太可能相互映射。
Late classical to medieval Anatolia offers a particularly interesting regional "laboratory" for studying the effect of climate on society, as well as the effect of human activity on the environment. At the very least, the Anatolian case challenges a number of longstanding assumptions about such causal connections, particularly with regard to how environmental conditions during the later seventh and eighth centuries C.E. affected the Byzantine Empire's ability to weather the storm of Arab-Islamic incursion 650C to 740C. After the rupture of the eighth and ninth centuries, the subsequent recovery of the Byzantine Empire in the tenth century was followed 1100 C.E. by a sudden downturn in rural agrarian activities, especially on the central Anatolian plateau and around its fringes. This dynamic, observable in the palaeoenvironmental as well as in the archaeological and historical data, reflects a complex interaction of natural factors with anthropogenic ones, including the arrival of the Selçuk Turks and of Türkmen nomads and their flocks and herds in central and eastern Anatolia, concomitant with the abandonment of cereal production in much of these area.
古典晚期到中世纪的安纳托利亚提供了一个特别有趣的区域“实验室”，用于研究气候对社会的影响以及人类活动对环境的影响。至少，安纳托利亚的案例挑战了许多关于这种因果关系的长期假设，特别是关于公元 7 世纪后期和 8 世纪后期的环境条件如何影响拜占庭帝国抵御650年740年阿拉伯-伊斯兰入侵风暴的能力。公元 8 世纪和 9 世纪破裂后，1100 年拜占庭帝国在 10 世纪复兴之后，农村农业活动突然下降，特别是在安纳托利亚高原中部及其边缘地区。这种在古环境以及考古和历史数据中可观察到的动态反映了自然因素与人为因素的复杂相互作用，包括塞尔丘克土耳其人和土库曼游牧民族及其羊群和牛群到达安纳托利亚中部和东部，伴随着这些地区大部分地区放弃谷物生产。
Regarding the following period, pollen evidence from some locations indicates a recovery during the later twelfth and early thirteenth century, a phenomenon that may well be associated with the gradual re-instatement of cereal production on a large scale as central Anatolia returned to political and economic stability. But the various categories of data do not always suggest the same conclusions, and the dating of climate change is generally imprecise. Moreover, the pollen record does not yet cover all of Anatolia, and many of the pollen datasets currently available can offer only a broad range of timing for changes in vegetation and land use. Such contradictions, inconsistencies, and inadequacies confirm the importance of focusing on a specific region-scale analysis.
关于接下来的时期，来自一些地方的花粉证据表明，在 12 世纪后期和 13 世纪早期出现了复苏，这一现象很可能与随着安纳托利亚中部恢复政治和经济而大规模逐步恢复谷物生产有关。 稳定。 但不同类别的数据并不总能得出相同的结论，气候变化的年代通常不准确。 此外，花粉记录尚未涵盖整个安纳托利亚，目前可用的许多花粉数据集只能提供广泛的植被和土地利用变化时间。 这种矛盾、不一致和不足证实了专注于特定区域尺度分析的重要性。
This is not to suggest, however, that we can completely ignore the wider geographical perspective, either that of the Eastern Roman Empire or of the extensive area from the Middle East to the Adantic. Indeed, we must always bear in mind the dialectic between events and circumstances throughout the duration of the Empire and transformations in the treatment and condition of the local environment. A comparison between how Byzantine society and the societies that preceded and followed it responded to climatic and environmental challenges can bring significant insight, provided that reliable proxy data are available. For example, recent archaeological work on the the 4.2 ka bp Early Bronze Age "collapse" suggests that communities did not handle the same drought in the same way. The settlement at Tell Leilan appears to have been abandoned, whereas that at Tell Mozan continued. The crucial question in this case, as in the case of Anatolia from the seventh to the ninth-century C.E., is precisely why some communities were more resilient - or less "brittle," to use Wilkinson's term - than others.
然而，这并不意味着我们可以完全忽略更广泛的地理视角，无论是东罗马帝国的地理视角，还是从中东到阿丹蒂克的广阔地区。事实上，我们必须始终牢记整个帝国时期事件和环境之间的辩证关系以及当地环境的处理和条件的变化。如果有可靠的代理数据可用，比较拜占庭社会与之前和之后的社会如何应对气候和环境挑战，可以带来重要的洞察力。例如，最近关于 4.2 ka bp 青铜时代早期“崩溃”的考古工作表明，社区并没有以同样的方式处理同样的干旱。 Tell Leilan 的定居点似乎已被放弃，而Tell Mozan 的定居点仍在继续。这种情况下的关键问题，就像公元 7 世纪到 9 世纪的安纳托利亚的情况一样，正是为什么有些社区比其他社区更具弹性——或者用威尔金森的术语来说不那么“脆弱”。
The upshot is that integrated regional and chronological synthesis, in the context of a broader picture, is an excellent platform on which historians, archaeologists, and environmental scientists can work together to interrogate evidence of causal and explanatory relationships for long-term socio-environmental change.
结果是，在更广阔的背景下，综合区域和时间顺序的综合是一个极好的平台，历史学家、考古学家和环境科学家可以在这个平台上共同研究长期社会环境变化的因果关系和解释关系的证据。
未完待续
