肯尼迪总统 美利坚大学毕业典礼 演讲全文
1963年6月10日，位于美国华盛顿特区的美利坚大学迎来毕业典礼，时任美国总统约翰·肯尼迪来到美利坚大学为毕业生进行演讲。在演讲中，肯尼迪主要围绕和平的话题探讨当时的世界局势与美苏关系。
President Anderson, members of the faculty, board of trustees, distinguished guests, my old colleague, Senator Bob Byrd, who has earned his degree through many years of attending night law school, while I am earning mine in the next 30 minutes, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen:
安德森校长，全体教师成员，校长董事会，尊贵的各位来宾，以及我的老同事，鲍勃·伯德议员。他在贵校法学院夜校挑灯夜战好几年才拿到了学位，而我将在接下来的30分钟里拿到他的学位。
尊敬的来宾们，女士们先生们：
It is with great pride that I participate in this ceremony of the American University, sponsored by the Methodist Church, founded by Bishop John Fletcher Hurst, and first opened by President Woodrow Wilson in 1914. This is a young and growing university, but it has already fulfilled Bishop Hurst's enlightened hope for the study of history and public affairs in a city devoted to the making of history and to the conduct of the public's business. By sponsoring this institution of higher learning for all who wish to learn, whatever their color or their creed, the Methodists of this area and the Nation deserve the Nation's thanks, and I commend all those who are today graduating.
我很荣幸能参加美利坚大学的毕业典礼，贵校受到基督教卫理工会资助，由约翰·弗莱彻·赫斯特大主教创建，1914年由威尔逊总统宣布正式运营。这一个年轻且持续发展的学校，即便如此，这所学校也已经达到了赫斯特大主教的理想预期，即在一座创造历史、建设公共事务的城市里进行历史和公共事务的学习。本地的基督教卫理工会资助本校的更高等教育，帮助了那些希望学习的人，不歧视学生的肤色和信仰，他们和政府都理应得到全国的感谢，而我要赞扬今日所有的毕业生。
Professor Woodrow Wilson once said that every man sent out from a university should be a man of his nation as well as a man of his time, and I am confident that the men and women who carry the honor of graduating from this institution will continue to give from their lives, from their talents, a high measure of public service and public support.
伍德罗·威尔逊教授曾说过，每一个大学毕业生都应该成为自己国家的人和自己时代的人。而我相信，从这所学校光荣毕业的男女将会将生命与才能贡献于建设高水平的公共服务，获得公众高度支持。
"There are few earthly things more beautiful than a university," wrote John Masefield in his tribute to English universities—and his words are equally true today. He did not refer to towers or to campuses. He admired the splendid beauty of a university, because it was, he said, "a place where those who hate ignorance may strive to know, where those who perceive truth may strive to make others see."
约翰·梅斯菲尔德在向英国大学致敬时写道，“这个世界上几乎没有比大学更美好的事物了”——他的话至今依然适用。他说的大学不是指教学楼或校园区，他欣赏大学的绝世美丽，原因如他所写，“在大学，可以让憎恨无知的人努力去学习，而已经掌握真理的人可以将真理传递给他人”。
I have, therefore, chosen this time and place to discuss a topic on which ignorance too often abounds and the truth too rarely perceived. And that is the most important topic on earth: peace.
因此，我选择此时此地来讨论这个话题：无知已经普遍掩埋了真理，我们几乎看不到真理。而这也是世界最重要的话题：和平。
What kind of peace do I mean and what kind of a peace do we seek? Not a Pax Americana enforced on the world by American weapons of war. Not the peace of the grave or the security of the slave. I am talking about genuine peace, the kind of peace that makes life on earth worth living, and the kind that enables men and nations to grow, and to hope, and build a better life for their children—not merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women, not merely peace in our time but peace in all time.
我指什么样的和平？我寻求什么样的和平？不是美国统治下的和平，不是让全世界屈服于美国的战争武器之下。不是坟墓里的和平，也不是接受奴役换取和平。我是指真正意义上的和平，这种和平能让世界上的生命都认为生活值得，这种和平能让人和国家不断发展，充满希望，并为自己的后代打造更加美好的生活——不仅是美国人的和平，是全世界所有男男女女的和平，不仅是这个时代的和平，而是永恒的和平。
I speak of peace because of the new face of war. Total war makes no sense in an age where great powers can maintain large and relatively invulnerable nuclear forces and refuse to surrender without resort to those forces. It makes no sense in an age where a single nuclear weapon contains almost ten times the explosive force delivered by all the allied air forces in the Second World War. It makes no sense in an age when the deadly poisons produced by a nuclear exchange would be carried by wind and water and soil and seed to the far corners of the globe and to generations yet unborn.
我谈及和平，是因为战争露出了全新面貌。全面战争在这个时代没有任何意义。在这个大国持有能够摧毁一切的大量核武器，并且不动用武力绝不投降的时代。在这个单单一枚核弹就能爆发出10倍于整个二战盟军投弹总量威力的时代。在这个核弹产生的有毒物质会被风、水、土壤和种子带向全世界的遥远角落，还会影响未出生的几代人的时代。
Today the expenditure of billions of dollars every year on weapons acquired for the purpose of making sure we never need them is essential to the keeping of peace. But surely the acquisition of such idle stockpiles—which can only destroy and never create—is not the only, much less the most efficient, means of assuring peace.
现在，我们每年在军备上花费成百上千亿美元，来确保我们永远不会有使用武器的机会，为了维护和平，这项支出有必要存在。但是毫无疑问，采购这种只具有破坏力、没有生产力的闲置物品不是维护和平的唯一方法，亦非最有效方法。
I speak of peace, therefore, as the necessary, rational end of rational men. I realize the pursuit of peace is not as dramatic as the pursuit of war, and frequently the words of the pursuers fall on deaf ears. But we have no more urgent task.
因此，我认为和平是必要的，是理智人群的合理追求。我明白追求和平不像追求战争那么让人热血沸腾，追求和平者的话语也常常是左耳进右耳出。但我们没有比追求和平更要紧的任务了。
Some say that it is useless to speak of peace or world law or world disarmament, and that it will be useless until the leaders of the Soviet Union adopt a more enlightened attitude. I hope they do. I believe we can help them do it. But I also believe that we must reexamine our own attitudes, as individuals and as a Nation, for our attitude is as essential as theirs. And every graduate of this school, every thoughtful citizen who despairs of war and wishes to bring peace, should begin by looking inward, by examining his own attitude towards the possibilities of peace, towards the Soviet Union, towards the course of the cold war and towards freedom and peace here at home.
有人说，谈及和平、国际法与国际裁军是没有意义的，除非苏联方面的领导人对此有更积极的态度。我也希望如此。我相信我们可以帮苏联人认识到这一点。不过我同样相信，我们要看看自己的态度，自己个人的态度和全国的态度，因为我们的态度和苏联人的一样重要。
First examine our attitude towards peace itself. Too many of us think it is impossible. Too many think it is unreal. But that is a dangerous, defeatist belief. It leads to the conclusion that war is inevitable, that mankind is doomed, that we are gripped by forces we cannot control.
首先看看我们对和平本身的态度。我们中有太多人认为和平是不可能的。太多人认为和平是不现实的。这种失败主义思想十分危险。其得出的结论就是：战争不可避免，人类必定灭亡，我们已经被自己无法控制的力量裹挟了。
We need not accept that view. Our problems are manmade; therefore, they can be solved by man. And man can be as big as he wants. No problem of human destiny is beyond human beings. Man's reason and spirit have often solved the seemingly unsolvable, and we believe they can do it again.
我们不能接受这种观点。我们面临的问题是由人类引发的；那么它们就同样可以被人类解决。只要想，人类也可以变得很强大。人类命运的问题无法超越人类本身。人的理智和精神曾经常解决掉那些看似不可能解决的问题，而我们相信这一次人类也可以。
I am not referring to the absolute, infinite concept of universal peace and good will of which some fantasies and fanatics dream. I do not deny the value of hopes and dreams but we merely invite discouragement and incredulity by making that our only and immediate goal.
我指的不是那些狂热分子幻想的“全世界无死角的和平与亲善”这种过于绝对的不现实概念。我不否定希望与梦想的价值，但是如果我们把这当做现在的唯一目标，只会给我们自己招致打击与自我怀疑。
Let us focus instead on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions—on a series of concrete actions and effective agreements which are in the interest of all concerned. There is no single, simple key to this peace; no grand or magic formula to be adopted by one or two powers. Genuine peace must be the product of many nations, the sum of many acts. It must be dynamic, not static, changing to meet the challenge of each new generation. For peace is a process—a way of solving problems.
让我们把注意力放在更加现实、更容易实现的和平上，这种和平要在人类制度的逐渐发展中实现，在一系列符合各方利益的具体行动和有效协议中实现，而不是寄希望于人性的短时间变革。实现和平的关键不是单一或简单的；两个超级大国或两者之一都没有什么通用的神奇公式。真正的和平一定是多国齐心协力行动下的产物。这种和平是动态的，不是一成不变的，它会不断改变以应对每一代人的新挑战。因此和平是一个过程——一种解决问题的方法。
With such a peace, there will still be quarrels and conflicting interests, as there are within families and nations. World peace, like community peace, does not require that each man love his neighbor, it requires only that they live together in mutual tolerance, submitting their disputes to a just and peaceful settlement. And history teaches us that enmities between nations, as between individuals, do not last forever. However fixed our likes and dislikes may seem, the tide of time and events will often bring surprising changes in the relations between nations and neighbors. So let us persevere. Peace need not be impracticable, and war need not be inevitable. By defining our goal more clearly, by making it seem more manageable and less remote, we can help all people to see it, to draw hope from it, and to move irresistibly towards it.
实现了这种和平，利益矛盾与冲突依然存在，就像家庭内和国家内也有矛盾一样。世界和平，就像社区和睦一样，不要求每个人都爱自己的邻里，只要求大家相互包容，把矛盾公正、和睦地解决。历史已经教会我们，国家之间的仇恨，和人与人之间的仇恨一样，不会永远存在。但修正我们之间的爱恨似乎是时代的浪潮，并且经常有些事会对邻里与国家之间的关系带来意想不到的改变。和平并非不切实际，战争并非不可避免。让我们的目标更加明确，更容易实现，不再那么天方夜谭，这样我们就可以让所有人看到我们的目标，从中得到希望，并不自禁地向这个目标努力。
And second, let us reexamine our attitude towards the Soviet Union. It is discouraging to think that their leaders may actually believe what their propagandists write. It is discouraging to read a recent, authoritative Soviet text on military strategy and find, on page after page, wholly baseless and incredible claims, such as the allegation that American imperialist circles are preparing to unleash different types of war, that there is a very real threat of a preventive war being unleashed by American imperialists against the Soviet Union, and that the political aims—and I quote—"of the American imperialists are to enslave economically and politically the European and other capitalist countries and to achieve world domination by means of aggressive war."
其次，再让我们看看我们对苏联的态度。很遗憾，苏联的领导人似乎真的相信他们宣传部的说辞。很遗憾看到苏联官方近期在军事战略方面的报告，一页又一页写满了毫无依据、无法令人信服的阐述，比如他们声称美帝国主义及其盟国在准备发动不同类型的战争，还有美帝国主义准备对苏联发动的潜在战争是实实在在的威胁，还有我们的政治目的，我引用苏联人的说法：“美帝国主义要用经济和政治奴役欧洲和其他资本主义国家，再以武力和战争统治世界”。
Truly, as it was written long ago: "The wicked flee when no man pursueth."
确实，如一句古话所说，“虽无人追赶，恶人同样落荒而逃。”
Yet it is sad to read these Soviet statements, to realize the extent of the gulf between us. But it is also a warning, a warning to the American people not to fall into the same trap as the Soviets, not to see only a distorted and desperate view of the other side, not to see conflict as inevitable, accommodation as impossible, and communication as nothing more than an exchange of threats.
看到这些苏联的宣传真是令人难过，这让我们意识到了我们之间的鸿沟有多大。但这也是一个警告，警告美国人民不要重蹈苏联的覆辙，落入这种陷阱，不要只用这种扭曲的、孤注一掷的视角审视对方，不要认为战争不可避免，不要认为和平没有希望，不要觉得我们的交流只是传播威胁焦虑。
No government or social system is so evil that its people must be considered as lacking in virtue. As Americans, we find communism profoundly repugnant as a negation of personal freedom and dignity. But we can still hail the Russian people for their many achievements in science and space, in economic and industrial growth, in culture, in acts of courage.
没有任何政府和制度体系会坏到让其治下的所有人都缺乏道德。作为美国人，我们会认为共产主义与个人自由和尊严是水火不容的。但是我们依然要向苏联人民在科技、太空事业、经济、工业化、文化与英勇抗敌方面取得的一系列成就致敬。
Among the many traits the peoples of our two countries have in common, none is stronger than our mutual abhorrence of war. Almost unique among the major world powers, we have never been at war with each other. And no nation in the history of battle ever suffered more than the Soviet Union in the Second World War. At least 20 million lost their lives. Countless millions of homes and families were burned or sacked. A third of the nation's territory, including two thirds of its industrial base, was turned into a wasteland—a loss equivalent to the destruction of this country east of Chicago.
在这些方面，我们两国人民有许多共同点。没有人比我们两国更厌恶战争。我们两国在世界强国中几乎都是独一无二的力量，从未与彼此处于战争状态。在第二次世界大战中，没有哪个国家比苏联还要损失惨重。至少有2000万苏联人丧生。上百万甚至上千万人的家园被毁灭洗劫。苏联三分之一的领土，其中包括三分之二的工业区都成为了一片荒芜之地——这一切都足以将这个位于芝加哥以东的国家毁灭。
Today, should total war ever break out again—no matter how—our two countries will be the primary target. It is an ironic but accurate fact that the two strongest powers are the two in the most danger of devastation. All we have built, all we have worked for, would be destroyed in the first 24 hours. And even in the cold war, which brings burdens and dangers to so many countries, including this Nation's closest allies, our two countries bear the heaviest burdens. For we are both devoting massive sums of money to weapons that could be better devoted to combat ignorance, poverty, and disease. We are both caught up in a vicious and dangerous cycle, with suspicion on one side breeding suspicion on the other, and new weapons begetting counter-weapons.
今天，如果全面战争再次爆发，无论如何，我们两国都会成为首要打击目标。这很讽刺，但却是板上钉钉的事实，我们是最强大的两个大国，却也是最有可能被灭亡的两国。我们所建造的一切，我们为之努力的一切，都会在战争爆发后的24小时内被摧毁殆尽。甚至在这场给包括我们亲密盟国在内的许多国家带来负担和威胁的冷战中，我们两国的负担也是最沉重的。因为我们都对军事武器投入了巨大资金，这些资金本可以被投入扫盲、扶贫和医疗事业。我们都陷入了危险的恶性循环中，我们对他们的猜疑使他们也猜疑我们，他们的武器迫使我们研究新武器来反制。
In short, both the United States and its allies, and the Soviet Union and its allies, have a mutually deep interest in a just and genuine peace and in halting the arms race. Agreements to this end are in the interests of the Soviet Union as well as ours. And even the most hostile nations can be relied upon to accept and keep those treaty obligations, and only those treaty obligations, which are in their own interest.
简而言之，美国及我们的盟国，苏联及他们的盟国，双方都可以从实现真正和平与停止军备竞赛中深深受益。同意终止军备竞赛符合苏联的利益，也符合我们的。即使是我们关系最糟的敌对国，也可以接受并遵守这些条约，这些对他们有利的条约。
So let us not be blind to our differences, but let us also direct attention to our common interests and the means by which those differences can be resolved. And if we cannot end now our differences, at least we can help make the world safe for diversity. For in the final analysis, our most basic common link is that we all inhabit this small planet. We all breathe the same air. We all cherish our children's futures. And we are all mortal.
所以我们不能无视我们之间的分歧，但我们注意力更应该放在我们的共同利益，以及解决我们分歧的方法上。即使我们不能消除分歧，那起码也要共同构造一个安全世界，允许差异存在。因为归根结底，我们最基本的共同关系就是我们都生活在这个小小的星球上。我们呼吸的都是同一种空气。我们都重视我们子女的未来。我们都是凡人。
Third, let us reexamine our attitude towards the cold war, remembering we're not engaged in a debate, seeking to pile up debating points. We are not here distributing blame or pointing the finger of judgment. We must deal with the world as it is, and not as it might have been had the history of the last 18 years been different.
第三，让我们重新审视我们对冷战的态度，记住，我们不是在参与辩论，不是要堆叠论点。我们在此不是为了责怪他人或者判断是否对错。我们要以世界的现状去对待世界，而不是参照过去18年那个今非昔比的世界去对待它。
We must, therefore, persevere in the search for peace in the hope that constructive changes within the Communist bloc might bring within reach solutions which now seem beyond us. We must conduct our affairs in such a way that it becomes in the Communists' interest to agree on a genuine peace. And above all, while defending our own vital interests, nuclear powers must avert those confrontations which bring an adversary to a choice of either a humiliating retreat or a nuclear war. To adopt that kind of course in the nuclear age would be evidence only of the bankruptcy of our policy—or of a collective death-wish for the world.
因此，我们必须坚持满怀希望地追寻和平，共产主义集团或许也会做出一些建设性改变，并从中发现我们找不到的解决方案。我们必须相信真正的和平同样对共产主义阵营有利。最重要的是，在核大国捍卫己方的重大利益时，必须避免让对手陷入可耻让步或核战争的两难境地。在核子时代，这种做法只会证明我们的政策破产——或全世界共同愿景的破灭。
To secure these ends, America's weapons are nonprovocative, carefully controlled, designed to deter, and capable of selective use. Our military forces are committed to peace and disciplined in self-restraint. Our diplomats are instructed to avoid unnecessary irritants and purely rhetorical hostility.
为了避免这种末日结局，美国军队要避免挑衅，美国的军备要得到严格控制，要为防御而生，并能够让我们有选择地使用。我们的军队致力于维护和平，军纪严明。我们的外交官致力于避免不必要的争端与仅仅说辞上的敌意。
For we can seek a relaxation of tensions without relaxing our guard. And, for our part, we do not need to use threats to prove we are resolute. We do not need to jam foreign broadcasts out of fear our faith will be eroded. We are unwilling to impose our system on any unwilling people, but we are willing and able to engage in peaceful competition with any people on earth.
因为我们可以在不放松警惕的情况下寻求紧张局势的缓和。我们要做的部分就是，我们不需要通过武力威胁来证明我们的坚定。我们不需要因为害怕外国的电台广播侵蚀我们的信仰而去禁止它们。我们不愿意把我们的体制强加给不愿接受的人民，但是我们很乐意与全世界所有人进行和平竞争。
Meanwhile, we seek to strengthen the United Nations, to help solve its financial problems, to make it a more effective instrument for peace, to develop it into a genuine world security system—a system capable of resolving disputes on the basis of law, of insuring the security of the large and the small, and of creating conditions under which arms can finally be abolished.
同时，我们要加强联合国的力量，解决联合国的财务问题，使之成为能更有效维护和平的机构，将其发展为一个货真价实的世界安全体系——一个能够按照法律解决争端、确保大小国安全，为停止军备竞赛创造条件的体系。
At the same time we seek to keep peace inside the non-Communist world, where many nations, all of them our friends, are divided over issues which weaken Western unity, which invite Communist intervention, or which threaten to erupt into war. Our efforts in West New Guinea, in the Congo, in the Middle East, and the Indian subcontinent, have been persistent and patient despite criticism from both sides. We have also tried to set an example for others, by seeking to adjust small but significant differences with our own closest neighbors in Mexico and Canada.
同时，我们要维护非共产主义世界的和平，这包含了许多国家，它们都是我们的友邦，却因各种问题产生分歧，削弱了西方世界的团结，这也让共产主义阵营趁虚而入，增加了战争爆发的威胁。我们在西新几内亚，在刚果，在中东，在印度次大陆耐心地持续努力，尽管这招致了东西方的同时批评。但我们依然在全力调解我们与最近的两个邻国，墨西哥与加拿大的微小但重要的分歧，以为其他国家做出榜样。
Speaking of other nations, I wish to make one point clear. We are bound to many nations by alliances. Those alliances exist because our concern and theirs substantially overlap. Our commitment to defend Western Europe and West Berlin, for example, stands undiminished because of the identity of our vital interests. The United States will make no deal with the Soviet Union at the expense of other nations and other peoples, not merely because they are our partners, but also because their interests and ours converge. Our interests converge, however, not only in defending the frontiers of freedom, but in pursuing the paths of peace.
说到其他国家，我想要讲清楚一点。由于同盟关系，我们对许多国家负责。这些同盟存在是因为我们关切的问题与他们关切的问题大量重合。比如我们承诺保护西欧与西柏林，此承诺绝不违背，因为这也高度符合我们的利益。美国不会牺牲其他国家或民族，换取与苏联达成协议，不仅仅是因为这些国家使我们的友邦，也因为我们的利益高度一致。我们不仅在捍卫自由世界方面利益高度一致，在追寻和平道路上也是如此。
It is our hope, and the purpose of allied policy, to convince the Soviet Union that she, too, should let each nation choose its own future, so long as that choice does not interfere with the choices of others. The Communist drive to impose their political and economic system on others is the primary cause of world tension today. For there can be no doubt that if all nations could refrain from interfering in the self-determination of others, the peace would be much more assured.
这是我们联盟政策的希望与目标，以此使苏联相信，她也可以让麾下的各国选择自己的未来，只要这些国家的选择与其他国家没有冲突即可。共产主义阵营把它们的政治经济体制强加给其他国家，这才是今天世界动荡的根源。毫无疑问，只要所有国家都不干涉其他国家的内政，和平就能得到极大保证。
This will require a new effort to achieve world law, a new context for world discussions. It will require increased understanding between the Soviets and ourselves. And increased understanding will require increased contact and communication. One step in this direction is the proposed arrangement for a direct line between Moscow and Washington, to avoid on each side the dangerous delays, misunderstandings, and misreadings of others' actions which might occur at a time of crisis.
想要实现这一切，就需要制定新的国际法，为国际讨论创造新环境。这要求我们与苏联之间加深理解。加深理解就意味着要加强沟通交流。在这一方向上，第一步就是要建立莫斯科-华盛顿直接热线，避免由于其中某一方行动的一时延迟、误会、误解而导致危机爆发。
We have also been talking in Geneva about our first-step measures of arm[s] controls designed to limit the intensity of the arms race and reduce the risk of accidental war. Our primary long range interest in Geneva, however, is general and complete disarmament, designed to take place by stages, permitting parallel political developments to build the new institutions of peace which would take the place of arms. The pursuit of disarmament has been an effort of this Government since the 1920's. It has been urgently sought by the past three administrations. And however dim the prospects are today, we intend to continue this effort—to continue it in order that all countries, including our own, can better grasp what the problems and possibilities of disarmament are.
我们已经在日内瓦讨论了我们军备限制的第一步，以缓解由于军备竞赛导致的紧张局势，并减少战争意外爆发的风险。我们在日内瓦的首要长期利益便是进行全面彻底裁军，一步一步实现，同时允许政治发展进步，建造一个新机构来取代武器，维护和平。
The only major area of these negotiations where the end is in sight, yet where a fresh start is badly needed, is in a treaty to outlaw nuclear tests. The conclusion of such a treaty, so near and yet so far, would check the spiraling arms race in one of its most dangerous areas. It would place the nuclear powers in a position to deal more effectively with one of the greatest hazards which man faces in 1963, the further spread of nuclear arms. It would increase our security; it would decrease the prospects of war. Surely this goal is sufficiently important to require our steady pursuit, yielding neither to the temptation to give up the whole effort nor the temptation to give up our insistence on vital and responsible safeguards.
这些谈判进行期间，我们几乎能够看到世界的末日，我们急需一个崭新的开始，所以谈判的唯一主要问题就是签署禁止核试验条约。这个远在天边，近在眼前的条约签署会直接从最危险的领域防止军备竞赛升级。这会让核大国更有效地处理1963年最大的危机之一，即核武器的进一步扩散。条约将进一步保护我们的安全；将降低战争爆发的可能性。当然，此目标任重而道远，需要我们持之以恒的追求，既不屈服于完全放弃整个事业的诱惑，也不屈服于放弃我们一直以来负责的重大安全体系的诱惑。
I'm taking this opportunity, therefore, to announce two important decisions in this regard.
因此，我借此机会在这方面宣布两项重要决议。
First, Chairman Khrushchev, Prime Minister Macmillan, and I have agreed that high-level discussions will shortly begin in Moscow looking towards early agreement on a comprehensive test ban treaty. Our hope must be tempered—Our hopes must be tempered with the caution of history; but with our hopes go the hopes of all mankind.
第一项，赫鲁晓夫主席、麦克米伦首相和我已经同意在不久后前往莫斯科参加高层会谈，以早日达成全面禁止核试验条约的签署。我们的意愿必须要温和——由于谨慎历史，我们的意愿必须要温，但是我们的意愿将成为全人类的意愿。
Second, to make clear our good faith and solemn convictions on this matter, I now declare that the United States does not propose to conduct nuclear tests in the atmosphere so long as other states do not do so. We will not—We will not be the first to resume. Such a declaration is no substitute for a formal binding treaty, but I hope it will help us achieve one. Nor would such a treaty be a substitute for disarmament, but I hope it will help us achieve it.
第二项，为了表明我们在此事上的诚意与庄严信念，我宣布，只要其他国家不率先在大气层内进行核试验，美国就也不会进行核试验。我们不会——我们不会是第一个恢复核试验的国家。虽然仅仅这么一个宣言不足以取代有约束力的协议，但是我希望这个宣言能够帮助我们达成协议。虽然这项协议也不足以取代裁军计划，但是我希望这项协议能够促进裁军。
Finally, my fellow Americans, let us examine our attitude towards peace and freedom here at home. The quality and spirit of our own society must justify and support our efforts abroad. We must show it in the dedication of our own lives—as many of you who are graduating today will have an opportunity to do, by serving without pay in the Peace Corps abroad or in the proposed National Service Corps here at home.
最后，我的美国同胞们，让我们在此检视我们对国内和平与自由的态度。我们国内社会的素质和精神必须与我们的国际事业相符。我们必须在我们自己的生活宣言中展现如此——因为今天你们中的许多毕业生都有机会去国外和平组织或我提出的美国国民服务队里无偿服役。
But wherever we are, we must all, in our daily lives, live up to the age-old faith that peace and freedom walk together.In too many of our cities today, the peace is not secure because freedom is incomplete.
无论身处何处，我们在日常生活中都必须不愧对我们的古老信念，即和平与自由是共存的。现在我们的许多城市中，和平得不到保证，自由也不完整。
It is the responsibility of the executive branch at all levels of government—local, State, and National—to provide and protect that freedom for all of our citizens by all means within our authority.It is the responsibility of the legislative branch at all levels, wherever the authority is not now adequate, to make it adequate. And it is the responsibility of all citizens in all sections of this country to respect the rights of others and respect the law of the land.
在权限内以各种方式提供、保护我们公民的自由是各级政府行政部门——当地、州和国家行政部门的责任。无论各地是否有权限，充分实现自由都是各级立法部门的责任。而尊重他人权利和国家法律是美国各地所有公民的责任。
All this—All this is not unrelated to world peace. "When a man's way please the Lord," the Scriptures tell us, "He maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him." And is not peace, in the last analysis, basically a matter of human rights: the right to live out our lives without fear of devastation; the right to breathe air as nature provided it; the right of future generations to a healthy existence?
这一切——这一切并非与世界和平不相关联。圣经告诉我们：“人所行的若蒙耶和华喜悦，耶和华也使他的仇敌与他和好。”而且归根结底，和平不是一个人权问题吗？人有权快乐生活，无需担忧生活遭到破坏；人有权呼吸自然给予的空气；后代有权得到健康的生活。
While we proceed to safeguard our national interests, let us also safeguard human interests. And the elimination of war and arms is clearly in the interest of both. No treaty, however much it may be to the advantage of all, however tightly it may be worded, can provide absolute security against the risks of deception and evasion. But it can, if it is sufficiently effective in its enforcement, and it is sufficiently in the interests of its signers, offer far more security and far fewer risks than an unabated, uncontrolled, unpredictable arms race.
在我们继续保护我们国家利益同时，让我们同样保卫人类的利益。消灭战争、销毁武器明显符合双方共同利益。无论对所有人有多大好处，无论措辞多么严密，条约都不能提供应对欺骗与逃避风险的绝对安全保障。但是如果能够得到有效执行，并符合缔约方的利益，那么条约就不能够提供的安全保障与风险降低都远远强于不断激化、不受控制、难以预料的军备竞赛。
The United States, as the world knows, will never start a war. We do not want a war. We do not now expect a war. This generation of Americans has already had enough—more than enough—of war and hate and oppression.
全世界都知道，美国绝对不会发动战争。我们不想要战争。我们也不会认为战争会爆发。这一代美国已经受够了...完全无法忍受战争、仇恨和压迫。
We shall be prepared if others wish it. We shall be alert to try to stop it. But we shall also do our part to build a world of peace where the weak are safe and the strong are just. We are not helpless before that task or hopeless of its success. Confident and unafraid, we must labor on—not towards a strategy of annihilation but towards a strategy of peace.
但我们要备战，以防其他国家发动战争。我们将时刻警惕，阻止战争爆发。但是我们同样要去尽量建造一个和平世界，一个弱者安全、强者公正的世界。面对这个艰巨任务，我们并不孤单无助。这一任务的成功也不是毫无可能的。昂首挺胸、无所畏惧，我们一定能想出一个成功策略——不为歼灭他人，而为保卫和平。
声明：本人仅按照原文翻译内容，演讲内容不代表本人观点。尤其此演讲的背景是冷战时期，很可能会有意识形态冲突。此专栏仅供历史和英语交流学习使用，任何观众都可以引用本人的译本。
希望来学习英语的观众明白：我觉得这些专栏的主要精华在于英语原文，而并非我的译本，我的译本很大程度上只是供来学习历史的观众使用的。本人的英语水平一般般，翻译得并不会多么精彩，只能在你看不懂时来帮助你了解这些演讲内容最基本的意思，而且翻译时难免会出现差错，切勿直接完全以我的译本为标准。如发现有翻译错误或者歧义内容，欢迎指正。
希望来学习历史的观众明白：任何历史人物都有一定的局限性，随着时代发展，很多观点看法可能已经不再适用今天的世界，西方的观点也不一定适用于我们。通过了解这些演讲，仅可给我们提供一个更全面了解过去和世界的渠道。我们可以从优秀的历史、当代人物身上学到很多，但是请保持独立思考，理性看到演讲内容，切勿全信或将其奉为真理。
