新标准大学英语三-Unit5

Dinner at Joanne's

1 It was snowing heavily, and although every true New Yorker looks forward to a white Christmas, the shoppers on Fifth Avenue were in a hurry, not just to track down the last-minute presents, but to escape the bitter cold and get home to their families for Christmas Eve.

2 Josh Lester turned into 46th Street. He was not yet enjoying the Christmas spirit, because he was still at work, albeit a working dinner at Joanne's. Josh was black, in his early thirties, and an agreeable-looking person, dressed smartly but not expensively. He was from a hard-working family in upstate Virginia, and was probably happiest back home in his parents' house. But his demeanor concealed a Harvard law degree and an internship in DC with a congressman, a junior partnership in a New York law firm, along with a razor-sharp intellect and an ability to think on his feet. Josh was very smart.

3 The appointment meant Josh wouldn't get home until after Christmas. He was not, however, unhappy. He was meeting Jo Rogers, the senior senator for Connecticut, and one of the best-known faces in the US. senator Rogers was a Democrat in her third term of office, who knew Capitol Hill inside out but who had nevertheless managed to keep her credibility with her voters as a Washington outsider. She was pro-abortion, anti-corruption, pro-low carbon emissions and anti-capital punishment, as fine a progressive liberal as you could find this side of the Atlantic. Talk show hosts called her Honest senator Jo, and a couple of years ago, Time magazine had her in the running for Woman of the Year. It was election time in the following year, and the word was she was going to run for the Democratic nomination. Rogers had met Josh in DC, thought him highly competent, and had invited him to dinner.

4 Josh shivered as he checked the address on the slip of paper in his hand. He'd never been to Joanne's, but knew it by reputation, not because of its food, which had often been maligned, or its jazz orchestra, which had a guest slot for a well-known movie director who played trumpet, but because of the stellar quality of its sophisticated guests: politicians, diplomats, movie actors, hall-of-fame athletes, journalists, writers, rock stars and Nobel Prize winners – in short, anyone who was anyone in this city of power brokers.

5 Inside, the restaurant was heaving with people. The head waiter at the front desk looked at Josh as he came in.

6 "Can I help you?"

7 Josh replied, " Yes , I have an ..."

8 "Excuse me, sir," the head waiter interrupted as two guests arrived, "Good evening Miss Bacall, good evening Mr Hanks," and clicked his fingers to summon another waiter to show them to their table.

9 "Now, sir ...," said the head waiter. "...do you have a reservation?"He shrugged his shoulders. "We have no spare tables whatsoever, as you can see."

10 "I'm meeting a Ms Rogers here tonight."

11 The head waiter looked at Josh up and down, and asked, "May I have your name?"

12 Josh told him, and although the waiter refrained from curling his lip, he managed to show both disdain and effortless superiority with a simple flaring of his nostrils.

13 "Let me see," said the head waiter. "Well, yes, we do have a table for a Ms Rogers, but will she be arriving soon?"

14 Josh had encountered this doubtful treatment before but was not intimidated.

15 "I'm sure she will," said Josh. "Could you please show me to her table?"

16 "Come this way, sir." The head waiter led Josh through the restaurant to a table at the back, and pointed.

17 "Thank you. Could you get me a Martini, please?" said Josh. But the head waiter was impatient to go back into the heady swirl of New York society, everyone clamoring, or so it appeared to him, for his attention.

18 The table was close to the bathroom and right by a half-opened window, apparently positioned where an icy breeze from the Great Lakes, passing down the Hudson Valley, would end its journey.

19 Suddenly there was a moment's silence in the restaurant, only for the noise to resume as intense whispering.

20 "senator Rogers!" said the head waiter. "What a great honor it is to see you at Joanne's again!"

21 "Good evening, Alberto. I'm dining with a young man, name of Lester."

22 The head waiter blinked, and swallowed hard.

23 "Yes, senator, please come this way," and as senator Rogers passed through the crowded room, heads turned as the diners recognized her and greeted her with silent applause. In a classless society, Rogers was the closest thing to aristocracy that America had. Alberto hovered for a moment, then went to speak to a colleague.

24 "It's good to see you again, Josh," said Rogers. "Let's have something to eat, then I'd like to talk to you about a business proposition."

25 Alberto returned, bent half double in almost laughable humility.

26 "senator, as this table is so cold , so uncomfortable, I was wondering if ..."

27 senator Rogers waited and then said quietly, "Go on."

28 "I was wondering if you'd like a better table, in the middle of the restaurant, so you have a better view of everyone." So everyone has a better view of you, he might have said. "You'll be much more comfortable, and ..."

29 Alberto paused. senator Rogers looked around.

30 "I agree, this isn't the best table in the house. But you brought my friend here, and I guess this is where we'll stay. We'll have my usual, please."

31 After two hours, Rogers and Josh got up to leave. There was a further flurry of attention by the staff, including an offer by Alberto to waive payment of the bill, which Rogers refused. As they were putting on their coats, Rogers said, "Thank you, Alberto. Oh, have I introduced you to my companion, Josh Lester?"

32 A look of panic, followed by one of desperate optimism flashed across Alberto's face.

33 "Ah, not yet, no, ... not properly," he said weakly.

34 "Josh Lester. This is the latest recruit to my election campaign. He's going to be my new deputy campaign manager, in charge of raising donations. And if we get that Republican out of the White House next year, you've just met my Chief of Staff."

35 "Absolutely delighted to meet you, Mr Lester, a real privilege, I'm sure. I do hope we'll see you both again in Joanne's very soon," said Alberto.

36 The senator looked at Alberto.

37 "No, I don't think that's at all likely," replied senator Rogers.

38 Rogers and Josh stepped out together into the cold night air. It had stopped Snowing.

X

乔安妮餐厅的晚餐

1 雪下得很大，虽然每个真正的纽约人都盼着过一个白色的圣诞，可还在第五大道购物的人们却行色匆匆，他们不但要在最后一刻前挑选到心仪的圣诞礼物，还要避开严寒，回家和亲人们共度圣诞夜。

2 乔希·莱斯特拐进了第四十六街。 他还没来得及享受圣诞的气氛，因为他仍在工作，虽说只是在乔安妮餐厅吃一顿工作餐。 乔希是黑人，三十出头，长得平易近人，穿着时髦得体，却不华贵。 他来自弗吉尼亚州北部，父母都是辛勤工作的人，或许只有回到父母家里才最让他感到幸福。 单从他的行为举止，别人看不出他拥有一个哈佛法学院的学位，一段在华盛顿特区跟从国会议员实习的经历，还有纽约一家律师事务所初级合伙人的身份。 他才华横溢，思维敏捷，聪明过人。

3 这次会面意味着乔希要过了圣诞夜才能回家了。 他并没有因此而不高兴，因为他要见的人是康涅狄格州的资深参议员乔·罗杰斯，此人是全美曝光率最高的名人之一。 参议员罗杰斯是民主党人，现在是她的第三个任期，对于国会山的一切她了如指掌，尽管如此，她还是尽力维持住了在她的支持者心中作为一位华盛顿局外人的信誉。 她支持堕胎，反对腐败，支持减少二氧化碳排量，反对死刑，可以说是大西洋岸的美国能找到的最完美的进步自由派人士。 脱口秀主持人们称呼她“诚实的参议员乔”，几年前《时代周刊》提名她参加年度女性的角逐。 明年就是选举年了，有消息称她将参加民主党内总统提名的竞选。 罗杰斯在华盛顿见过乔希，她觉得乔希很有才干，于是就邀他共进晚餐。

4 乔希打了个冷战，他打开手里的纸条核对了一下地址。 之前他没来过乔安妮餐厅，但对于它的鼎鼎大名却早有耳闻，倒不是因为这里的饭菜有多美味，其实这里的菜品屡遭恶评，也不是因为这里的爵士管弦乐队有一位知名电影导演客串吹小号，而是因为这里汇集了有头有脸的宾客，可以说是星光璀璨，他们中有政客、外交家、电影明星、载入名人堂的体育明星、记者、作家、摇滚明星、诺贝尔奖得主等等——总之，这里的每一位客人都是这座权力之城里的一个不一般的人物。

5 餐厅里面人头攒动。 乔希走进来时前台的领班看了他一眼。

6 “您需要帮忙吗？”

7 乔希回答说：“是的，我有一个……”

8 “对不起，先生……”看见有两位客人走了进来，领班打断了他的话。“晚上好，巴考尔小姐，晚上好，汉克斯先生。”接着他打了个响指招呼服务生带他们入座。

9 “好吧，先生，请问您预订座位了吗？”领班耸了耸肩，说道，“您也看见了，我们没有空余的座位。”

10 “我今天晚上要在这儿和一位名叫罗杰斯的女士会面。”

11 领班把乔希从头到脚打量了一番，然后说：“请问您怎么称呼？”

12 乔希向他报了姓名，虽然领班好不容易才忍住没撇嘴，但他还是鼓了鼓鼻翼，显示出了他的不屑以及自然而然的优越感。

13 “让我查一下。”领班说道。 “哦，对了，我们的确为一位罗杰斯女士预留了一张桌子，可是她马上就到吗？”

14 乔希过去也有过被人怀疑的经历，但他没有被吓到。

15 “我肯定她很快就到。能烦请你带我去她的座位吗？”乔希说。

16 “那这边走，先生。” 领班把乔希领到餐厅靠里处，指了指一张桌子。

17 “谢谢，请给我来一杯马提尼酒，” 乔希说。 可那位领班还没等他说完就迫不及待地要回到纽约上层社会那令人陶醉的纷乱中去，至少在他看来，那里的每一个人都在召唤着他，希望得到他的注意。

18 这张桌子离卫生间很近，还紧挨着一扇半开的窗户，好像从五大湖刮来的刺骨寒风正好沿着哈得孙峡谷吹进来，在这儿结束了它的旅程。

19 突然间，餐厅安静了片刻，紧接着又响起了一阵热烈的窃窃私语声。

20 “罗杰斯参议员！”领班喊道，“能在乔安妮再次见到您真是太荣幸了！”

21 “晚上好，阿尔贝托。我要和一位年轻人吃饭，他叫莱斯特。”

22 领班慌得直眨眼，还咽了咽口水。

23 “好的，参议员，您这边走。” 当罗杰斯参议员穿过拥挤的餐厅时，不断有人回过头来，他们认出了她，并默默地跟她打招呼。 在一个不分阶级的社会里，罗杰斯近乎是美国的贵族。 阿尔贝托在周围转了一阵子，然后走过去和一位同事说了几句话。

24 “很高兴又见到你，乔希，”罗杰斯说。 “我们先吃点东西，然后我要跟你谈谈一份商业建议书的事。”

25 阿尔贝托回到餐桌旁，深深地弯下腰，那谦卑的样子简直有点可笑。

26 “参议员，这张桌子太冷了，坐着不舒服，不知道……”

27 罗杰斯参议员等着，然后轻声地说道：“接着说。”

28 “不知道您愿不愿意换张好点儿的桌子，到餐厅中央去，这样您就能看到餐厅里的每一个人了。” 这样餐厅里的每一个人都可以看见您啦，他本是想这么说的。 “那样您会觉得舒服得多，而且……”

29 阿尔贝托停了下来。 罗杰斯参议员看了看四周。

30 “我同意，这儿不是屋子里最好的座位，但既然你把我的朋友带到了这儿，我想我们就呆在这里好了，上我平时点的菜吧。”

31 两个小时后，罗杰斯和乔希起身准备离开，这又引起店员们的一阵骚动，个个都主动来献殷勤，其中就包括阿尔贝托，他提出来要给他俩免单，但被罗杰斯拒绝了。 他俩披上外套，罗杰斯说：“阿尔贝托，谢谢你。噢，我给你介绍我的同事乔希·莱斯特了吗？”

32 阿尔贝托的脸上先是一阵惊恐，然后又闪过绝望中的一丝企盼。

33 “啊，还没有，不……还没正式介绍过。”他低声下气地说。

34 “乔希•莱斯特。他是我刚刚招收的竞选班子成员。他马上就要成为我竞选团队的副经理了，将负责募集捐款。如果明年我们把那位共和党人赶出白宫的话，你现在看到的就是我的白宫办公厅主任。”

35 “非常高兴见到您，莱斯特先生，非常荣幸，真的。我衷心希望很快能在乔安妮餐厅再次见到二位。”

36 参议员看了看阿尔贝托。

37 “不会了，我觉得没有这种可能了。”罗杰斯参议员回答道。

38 罗杰斯和乔希一起走进寒风凛冽的夜色中。 雪已经停了。

I, we, they

1 A medium-sized Swedish high-technology corporation was approached by a compatriot, a businessman with good contacts in Saudi Arabia. The company sent one of their engineers – let me call him Johannesson – to Riyadh, where he was introduced to a small Saudi engineering firm, run by two brothers in their mid-thirties, both with British university degrees. Johannesson was to assist in a development project on behalf of the Saudi government. However, after six visits over a period of two years, nothing seemed to happen. Johannesson's meetings with the Saudi brothers were always held in the presence of the Swedish businessman who had established the first contact. This annoyed Johannesson and his superiors, because they were not at all sure that this businessman did not have contacts with their competitors as well – but the Saudis wanted the intermediary to be there. Discussions often dwelt on issues having little to do with the business – like Shakespeare, of whom both brothers were fans.

2 Just when Johannesson's superiors started to doubt the wisdom of the corporation's investment in these expensive trips, a telex arrived from Riyadh inviting him back for an urgent visit. A contract worth several millions of dollars was ready to be signed. From one day to the next, the Saudis' attitude changed: The presence of the businessman-intermediary was no longer necessary, and for the first time Johannesson saw the Saudis smile, and even make jokes.

3 So far, so good; but the story goes on. The remarkable order contributed to Johannesson being promoted to a management position in a different division. Thus, he was no longer in charge of the Saudi account. A successor was nominated, another engineer with considerable international experience, whom Johannesson personally introduced to the Saudi brothers. A few weeks later a telex arrived from Riyadh in which the Saudis threatened to cancel the contract over a detail in the delivery conditions. Johannesson's help was asked. When he came to Riyadh it appeared that the conflict was over a minor issue and could easily be resolved – but only, the Saudis felt, with Johannesson as the corporation's representative. So the corporation twisted its structure to allow Johannesson to handle the Saudi account although his main responsibilities were now in a completely different field.

4 The Swedes and the Saudis in this true story have different concepts of the role of personal relationships in business. For the Swedes, business is done with a company; for the Saudis, with a person whom one has learned to know and trust. As long as one does not know another person well enough it is convenient to have present an intermediary or go-between, someone who knows and is trusted by both parties. At the root of the difference between these cultures is a fundamental issue in human societies: the role of the individual versus the role of the group.

5 The vast majority of people in our world live in societies in which the interest of the group prevails over the interest of the individual. I will call these societies collectivist, using a word which to some readers may have political connotations, but it is not meant here in any political sense. It does not refer to the power of the state over the individual but to the power of the group. The first group in our lives is always the family into which we are born. Family structures, however, differ between societies. In most collectivist societies the "family" within which the child grows up consists of a number of people living closely together; not just the parents and other children, but, for example, grandparents, uncles, aunts, servants, or other housemates. This is known in cultural anthropology as the extended family. When children grow up they learn to think of themselves as part of a "we" group, a relationship which is not voluntary but given by nature. The "we" group is distinct from other people in society who belong to "they" groups, of which there are many. The "we" group (or in-group) is the major source of one's identity, and the only secure protection one has against the hardships of life. Therefore one owes lifelong loyalty to one's in-group, and breaking this loyalty is one of the worst things a person can do. Between the person and the in-group a dependence relationship develops which is both practical and psychological.

6 A minority of people in our world live in societies in which the interests of the individual prevail over the interests of the group, societies which I will call individualist. In these, most children are born into families consisting of two parents and, possibly, other children; in some societies there is an increasing share of one-parent families. Other relatives live elsewhere and are rarely seen. This type is the nuclear family (from the Latin "nucleus" meaning core). Children from such families, as they grow up, soon learn to think of themselves as "I". This "I", their personal identity, is distinct from other people's "I"s, and these others are not classified according to their group membership but to individual characteristics. Playmates, for example, are chosen on the basis of personal preferences. The purpose of education is to enable the child to stand on its own feet. The child is expected to leave the parental home as soon as this has been achieved. Not infrequently, children, after having left home, reduce relationships with their parents to a minimum or break them off altogether. Neither practically nor psychologically is the healthy person in this type of society supposed to be dependent on a group.

X

我、我们、他们

1 有一位瑞典商人和本国的一家中等规模的高科技公司进行了接洽，这位商人在沙特阿拉伯有许多关系良好的客户。 于是，该公司派了一名工程师——就叫他约翰尼森吧——去利雅得，经这位商人引见，和沙特一家小型的工程公司合作，这家公司由一对兄弟经营着，他俩三十五岁左右，都拥有英国大学的学位。 约翰尼森要做的是代表沙特政府协助一项建设工程。 但是，双方在两年间进行了六次接触均无结果。 每次约翰尼森和沙特兄弟商谈时，那位最初帮他们建立关系的瑞典商人都在场。 这令约翰尼森和他的上司感到非常不快，因为他们不敢肯定这位商人是否跟他们的竞争对手也有来往，但沙特人却执意要介绍人在场。 他们经常讨论一些与生意毫无关系的话题，比如莎士比亚，哥俩都是莎士比亚迷。

2 正当约翰尼森的上司开始怀疑公司花大笔旅费派人去洽谈是否明智时，利雅得那边来了电报，邀请约翰尼森迅速赶赴利雅得， 因为一份价值几百万美元的合同已准备好，等着他来签。 一夜之间，沙特人的态度也发生了变化：那位中间商再也不用出场了，约翰尼森还第一次看见沙特人笑了，他们甚至还相互开起了玩笑。

3 到现在为止，一切都进行得不错；但故事还没有结束。 由于得到了这份大订单，约翰尼森被提拔为另一个部门的经理，他也因此不用再管沙特那单生意了。 另一位国际交流经验丰富的工程师被提名接替他的工作，约翰尼森还亲自把他介绍给了那两位沙特兄弟。 几星期后，从利雅得发来一份电报，两位沙特兄弟威胁说要取消合同，仅仅是因为一个有关交货条件的细节问题。 他们请约翰尼森去协助解决。 约翰尼森到利雅得后才发现，双方的矛盾源于一个很容易解决的无关紧要的小问题，但沙特人觉得一定要约翰尼森代表公司出面才能解决。 因此，瑞典公司不得不打破惯例，允许约翰尼森处理沙特那边的生意，虽然他现在的职责是管理另外一个完全不同的领域。

4 在这个真实的故事里，瑞典人和沙特人对人际关系在商业中的作用有着不同的理解。 对瑞典人来说，他们是在和一个公司做生意；但对沙特人来说，他们是在和一个他们了解并且信任的人做生意。 只要他们对某个人还不够了解，就会让一位双方都认识并信任的中间人或介绍人在场，这样做会比较方便。 这两种文化的差异源于人类社会的一个根本问题：即个人角色与集体角色的问题。

5 世界上大多数人都生活在团体利益大于个人利益的社会里, 我把这类社会称作集体主义社会，集体主义这个词在某些读者看来具有政治意义，但我在使用这个词时不带任何政治色彩。 它并不是指国家权力对个人的压制，而是特指团体的力量。 我们生命中的第一个团体向来都是我们出生的那个家庭。 但不同社会有着不同的家庭结构。 在大多数集体主义社会里，小孩子成长的“家庭”有许多人生活在一起；有父母，有兄弟姐妹，还有比如爷爷、奶奶、叔伯、姑姑、佣人及其他的家庭成员。 这种家庭在文化人类学上被称为扩展型家庭。 小孩在成长的过程中就学着把自己看作是“我们”团体中的一员，这种关系并不是出于个人的选择，而是与生俱来的。 “我们”团体不同于社会上众多隶属“他们”团体里的他者。 “我们”团体（或内部团体）是个人认同感的主要来源，是个人应对生活艰辛所能依赖的唯一的安全保障。 所以每个人一生都忠于自己的内部团体，而背叛这个团体是个人所能犯下的最严重的错误。 个人和内部团体之间会逐渐建立起一种相互依存的关系，这种关系既有实用价值，又能给人心理上的依靠。

6 世界上还有少数人生活在个人利益大于团体利益的社会里，我把这类社会称为个人主义社会。 在这类社会中，多数小孩出生在由父母和孩子组成的家庭里，当然，可能还会有兄弟姐妹；在某些社会中，单亲家庭的数量呈逐渐上升的趋势。 其他的亲戚住在别处，彼此很少见面。 这类家庭被称为核心家庭（源于拉丁词 nucleus，意为“核心”）。 核心家庭里的孩子在成长过程中，很快就学会把自己看成是“我”。 这个“我”——即他们的个人身份——区别于其他人的“我”，而且这所谓的其他人并不是以不同团体的成员身份来区别的，而是以个人特点来分类的。 例如玩伴是根据个人的喜好来选择的。 教育的目标是使孩子最终能自立。 孩子一旦有了自立的能力，父母就会鼓励他们离开家。 孩子离开父母家后，与父母的往来频率通常会降至最低点，或者完全断绝往来。 在这类社会里，一个健全的人无论在实际生活中还是在心理上都不会依赖一个团体。

Destination Europe

For many Africans it’s their first glimpse of Europe: a tiny island in the Mediterranean, between Tunisia and Sicily. Technically Lampedusa is part of Italy, and therefore the European Union. But it is closer to the shores of North Africa, and as such is the first unplanned stop for thousands of Africans on a desperate journey to seek a better life in Europe. At best, the journey – for which they have paid up to €2,000 to the gangs which control the illegal trade – is uncomfortable, in appalling hygienic conditions and under a merciless sun. But sometimes the horrendously overcrowded boats do not make it, and days later bodies are washed ashore along Europe’s southern coastlines.

Those people who arrive in Lampedusa are promptly rounded up and sent to a detention centre where the authorities decide whether or not to grant “asylum”, which gives the immigrant the right to stay. Many are sent back to where they come from. Some manage to land secretly, avoiding immigration officials – but they do not always realize they are on a tiny island, and surprise local inhabitants by asking for the railway station.

And yet, in spite of everything – the dangers of the journey, the ambivalent attitudes of governments, and the hostility of many local people – some of them do manage to start a new life. The fact is, without immigrants Europe’s economy would come to a standstill. Immigrants do the jobs that Europe’s ageing population no longer wants to do; and some of them integrate quickly, learning the local language, taking an active role in society and, ultimately, acquiring citizenship.

Italy is a comparatively recent destination for immigrants from developing countries; five million immigrants account for about eight per cent of the total population. In Europe as a whole the figure is closer to 12 per cent; northern countries such as Germany, France and the UK have been experiencing the phenomenon of mass immigration for around 50 years. Though immigration has been an accepted feature of modern European societies for some decades, 2015 saw a very large increase in asylum seekers, partly due to the war in Syria. This sudden increase in numbers has caused political difficulties in some European countries.

X

目的地——欧洲

对许多非洲人来说，这里是他们第一眼看到的欧洲：一个位于地中海的、突尼斯和西西里岛之间的小岛。严格地讲，蓝佩杜萨岛是意大利的领土，因而属于欧盟。但是该岛离北非海岸更近些，因而也成了成千上万的非洲人第一个计划外的停靠站。他们不顾一切，去欧洲寻求更好的生活。他们向从事此项非法生意的黑帮支付高达两千欧元的费用，可是旅途极不舒服，卫生条件极其恶劣，而且还要遭受烈日的暴晒。这还算好的了，有时候，那些严重超载的船只到不了对岸，几天之后海水会把他们的尸体冲到欧洲南部的海滩上。

那些到达蓝佩杜萨岛的人则被迅速集中起来，押送到拘留中心，由那里的官员决定是否允许他们“避难”，允许避难就是给移民居住权。许多人会被遣送回家，有些人则偷偷地登陆，躲开了移民官——但他们往往没有意识到他们是在一个小岛上，当他们去向当地人打听火车站的位置时，当地人会感到很吃惊。

然而，即便有诸多的问题——旅途的危险、政府模棱两可的态度、许多当地岛民的敌意——有些人还是开始了新的生活。事实上，如果没有移民，欧洲的经济就会停滞不前。移民从事的工作都是欧洲日益老龄化的人口不愿意干的。有些移民很快就融入了当地文化，学会了当地的语言，积极投身社会活动，并最终获得了公民权。

意大利是来自发展中国家的新移民的目的地；那里五百万的移民大概占了全国总人口的8%。而在整个欧洲，这个数字接近12%；一些北部的国家，例如德国、法国和英国，接纳大规模移民已经有50年之久。虽然十几年来，现代欧洲社会移民特征已经被接受，2015年寻求居住权的人却激增，这部分归因于叙利亚的战争。移民数量的骤增引起了一些欧洲国家政治上的困境。

The American Dream is the national ethos of the United States. Put simply, it is the idea that America is a land of opportunity, where hard work will allow a person to experience prosperity and success. Belief in social and economic mobility, that Americans rise from humble origins to riches, has been called a "civil religion". Famous instances of great economic and social mobility include Benjamin Franklin and Henry Ford. Additional popular examples of upward social mobility between generations in America include Abraham Lincoln and Bill Clinton, who were born into working-class families yet achieved high political office in adult life. Opinion polls show that this belief is stronger in the US than in years past, and stronger than in other developed countries. However, in recent years several large studies have found that vertical intergenerational mobility is lower in the US than in comparable countries. A 2013 Brookings Institution study found income inequality was becoming more permanent, sharply reducing social mobility. A large academic study released in 2014 found income mobility had not changed appreciably in the last 20 years.

美国梦是美国民族精神的体现。简而言之，其观念就是美国是一个充满机会的地方；在那里，只要肯努力奋斗，就能获得富裕、成功。这种对改善社会地位和经济状况的信仰，即美国人可以从卑微的穷人变为富人的信仰，一直被称为"国民宗教"。在经济状况和社会地位上获得巨大提升的著名案例包括本杰明•富兰克林和亨利•福特。其他从父辈到子辈就实现从美国下层社会跻身上流社会的最为人津津乐道的例子是亚伯拉罕•林肯和比尔•克林顿。他们虽然出身于工人阶级家庭，却在成年之后当上了高官。民意测验表明，现在美国人的这个信念比以往任何时候都强，比其他任何发达国家的都强。但是，近年来，几项大型的研究发现，与同类国家相比，美国的垂直代际社会流动性降低。2013 年，布鲁金斯学会的一项研究发现，收入的不平等正变得更加固定，从而大大降低了社会流动性。2014年发布的一项大型学术研究的结果发现在过去的20年里，收入的流动性没有发生显著的变化。

女性是劳动力市场的重要组成部分。但是当前劳动就业中的性别歧视仍然存在，这与我国构建和谐社会的要求背道而驰。就劳动者而言，不能人尽其才，不仅造成人力资本投资的浪费，还会使她们对社会公正产生怀疑；就用人单位而言，性别歧视不仅破坏人才选拔的程序，造成人才浪费，也会不利于人们正确理解何为正常运转的市场；就社会而言，性别歧视不仅干扰人力资源的正常流动，还会破坏就业市场的公平环境。

Women are an important part of the labour force. But gender discrimination in the job market still exists, and serves as a counterforce to the building of a harmonious society. As far as employees are concerned, jobs that do not suit their talents will not only give rise to a waste of the investment in human capital, but also cause them to lose faith in social justice. As for employers, gender discrimination will not only disrupt the process of selecting talent, and thus waste talent, but will also harm the perception of a properly functioning market. On the level of society, gender discrimination will set an obstacle to the proper distribution of human resources, and damage a fair environment in the job market.