（书籍翻译）拜占庭的味道：传奇帝国的美食 （第二部分）
安德鲁·达尔比（Andrew Dalby）是一位古典学者、历史学家、语言学家和翻译家，以他关于食物史（尤其是希腊和罗马帝国）的书籍而闻名。 《Siren Feasts》 是安德鲁·达尔比的第一本美食书籍，获得了 Runciman（朗西曼）奖，他的第二本书《Dangerous Tastes》在2001年获得了美食作家协会年度美食书籍。他还是《The Classical Cookbook》和《Empire of Pleasures》以及巴克斯和维纳斯的传记的作者。
《Tastes of Byzantium ：The Cuisine of a Legendary Empire》于 2003 年首次出版
ISBN: 978 1 84885 165 8
本书完整的 CIP 记录可从大英图书馆、美国国会图书馆获得
由 Thomson Press India Ltd 在印度印刷和装订 作者：神尾智代 https://www.bilibili.com/read/cv14892250 出处：bilibili
An Introduction to Byzantium
拜占庭简介
Those who had never seen Constantinople before were enthralled, unable to believe that such a great city could exist in the world. They gazed at its high walls, the great towers with which it was fortified all around, its great houses, its tall churches more numerous than anyone would believe who did not see them for himself; they contemplated the length and breadth of the city that is sovereign over all others. Brave as they might be, every man shivered at the sight.
那些从未见过君士坦丁堡的人都被迷住了，无法相信世界上会存在这样一座伟大的城市。他们注视着它的高墙，四处加固的高塔，它的大房子与高大的教堂，这比任何没有亲眼看到它们的人相信的要多得多。他们考虑了这座统治所有其他城市的长度和宽度。尽管他们可能很无畏，但每个人都在看到这座城后不寒而栗。
This vision of the great city comes from a man who was intelligent, clear-sighted, and anything but visionary. Geoffroi de Villehardouin was a major figure in the Fourth Crusade, as well as one of its most engaging historians. He was a hero of the first years of the 'Latin' Empire of Constantinople, established on the ruins of the Byzantine Empire in 1204. His nephew and namesake was destined to rule as Prince of the Morea (the mountainous peninsula known to classicists as the Peloponnese) and to establish a French dynasty there. If Geoffroi de Villehardouin says that brave crusaders shivered at their first sight of Constantinople, as they sailed along the shore of the Sea of Marmara under its walls, that is what they really did.
这座伟大的城市源于一个聪明、目光敏锐、极具远见的人。 Geoffroi de Villehardouin 是第四次十字军东征的主要人物，也是其最具吸引力的历史学家之一。 他是君士坦丁堡“拉丁”帝国元年的英雄，该帝国于 1204 年在拜占庭帝国的废墟上建立。他的侄子和同名的侄子注定要以摩里亚王子（古典主义者称为 伯罗奔尼撒）并在那里建立一个法国王朝。 如果 Geoffroi de Villehardouin 说勇敢的十字军在君士坦丁堡沿着马尔马拉海的海岸航行时，他们第一眼看到君士坦丁堡就会颤抖，这就是他们真实的经历。
Nineteen hundred years earlier, about 660 BC, a Greek colony had been established at this place, which was then known as Byzantion. Even then it already had a legendary history (and a down-to-earth history as well). The Argonauts had passed this way, in one of the best known of Greek mythological tales, on their way to the land of the Golden Fleece; they had navigated the Bosporus and dodged the Symplegades or 'Clashing Rocks'. The Clashing Rocks had since ceased to Clash and had been renamed Kyaneai 'Blue Rocks'. As for the down to-earth history, there was a settlement on the site of Byzantion, as archaeology confirms, as early as the twelfth century BC.
一千九百年前，大约在公元前 660 年，希腊人在此建立了殖民地，当时被称为拜占庭。 即便如此，它已经拥有一段传奇的历史（以及一段脚踏实地的历史）。 阿尔戈英雄在前往金羊毛之地的途中经过了这条路，这是最著名的希腊神话故事之一。 他们已经在博斯普鲁斯海峡航行并避开了 Symplegades 或“碰撞岩石”。 此后，Clashing Rocks 停止了冲突，并更名为 Kyaneai 'Blue Rocks'。至于实际的历史，正如考古证实的那样，早在公元前十二世纪，拜占庭遗址上就有一个定居点。
When we come to the colonization itself, the well known story is that the first band of Greeks to seek a site in this neighbourhood had recently settled on the opposite side of the Bosporus, named by them Kalkhedon and known now as Kadikoy. It was not a bad place, but when the Delphic Oracle was next asked by the small city of Megara (west of Athens) to advise on a site for a colony, the response was: 'found your settlement opposite the blind men'. The Megarians obeyed this ordinance and established a colony at Byzantion, a site so much better than that of Kadikoy that the earlier colonists must, indeed, have been blind to have overlooked it.
当我们谈到殖民化本身时，众所周知，第一批在该区域寻找地点的希腊人最近定居在博斯普鲁斯海峡的对面，以他们的名字命名为 Kalkhedon，现在被称为 Kadikoy。这不是一个糟糕的地方，但是当小城市梅加拉（雅典西部）要求德尔菲神谕就一个殖民地地点提供建议时，回答是：“在盲人对面找到了你的定居点”。 梅加里安人遵守了这条法令，在拜占庭建立了一个殖民地，这个地方比卡德柯伊要好得多，以至于早期的殖民者确实是盲目地忽视了它。
So, if we adopt the terminology used by historians of classical Greece, the Megarians 'founded' Byzantion. Whether they 'founded' it by agreement with its existing inhabitants, or after expelling or enslaving them, no one knows.
因此，如果我们采用古希腊历史学家使用的术语，麦加里安人“创立”了拜占庭。 他们是通过与现有居民达成协议，还是在驱逐或奴役他们之后“建立”它，没有人知道。
Byzantion, in Greek hands, soon outshone its mother city of Megara. It was a site of spectacular beauty, unmatched in its potential for trade. This was where you began the short, though difficult, journey up the narrow Bosporus. Every ship that travelled from the Mediterranean and the Aegean to the Black Sea must sail under the walls of Byzantion. Every cargo from the Black Sea and its shores must pass this way to reach the wider world. Not only that: Byzantion was rich from its own produce too. Once a year, great shoals of tunny (more precisely, bonito) descend the Bosporus en route for the Mediterranean. The economic significance of this to Byzantion is best explained by the Roman geographer Strabo:
拜占庭在希腊人的手中，很快就超过了它的母城梅加拉。 这是一个风景秀丽的地方，其贸易潜力无与伦比。 这是您开始沿着狭窄的博斯普鲁斯海峡进行短暂但艰难的旅程的地方。 从地中海和爱琴海航行到黑海的每艘船都必须在拜占庭的城墙下航行。 来自黑海及其沿岸的每件货物都必须经过这条路才能到达更广阔的世界。 不仅如此：拜占庭也因自己的产品而富有。 每年一次，大量的金枪鱼（更准确地说，鲣鱼）沿着博斯普鲁斯海峡驶向地中海。 罗马地理学家斯特拉博最好地解释了这对拜占庭的经济意义：
The Horn, which is close to the Byzantians' city wall, is an inlet extending about 60 stadia towards the west. It resembles a stag's horn, being split into several inlets, branches as it were. Into these the young tunny stray, and are then easily caught because of their number and the force of the following current and the narrowness of the inlets; they are so tightly confined that they are even caught by hand. These creatures originate in the marshes of Maio tis [Azov], and, getting a little bigger, escape through its mouth [the Straits of Kerch] in shoals, and are swept along the Asian coast to Trapezous and Pharnakeia. That is where the tunny fishery begins, though it is not a major activity, because they have not yet reached full size. As they pass Sinope they are more ready for catching and for salting. When they have reached the Kyaneai and entered the strait, a certain white rock on the Kalkhedonian side so frightens them that they cross to the opposite side, and there the current takes them: and the geography at that point is such as to steer the current towards Byzantion and its Horn, and so they are naturally driven there, providing the Byzantians and the Roman people with a considerable income.
靠近拜占庭城墙的号角是一个向西延伸约60个体育场的入口。它像一只鹿角，被分成几个入口，就像是分支。幼年金枪鱼误入其中，因数量多、水流强弱、进水口狭窄而容易被抓住；它们被关得如此严密，以至于人们可以用手抓住。这些生物起源于马约蒂斯 [亚速] 的沼泽地，变得更大一些，从它的口 [刻赤海峡] 逃逸到浅滩，然后沿着亚洲海岸被扫到梯形和法尔纳凯亚。这就是金枪鱼渔业开始的地方，尽管这不是一项主要活动，因为它们还没有达到完整的规模。当它们经过锡诺普时，更容易被捕捉和腌制。当它们到达 Kyaneai 并进入海峡时，Kalkhedonian 一侧的某块白色岩石吓坏了它们，以至于他们越过对面，水流将它们带到那里：当时的地理条件是引导水流向拜占庭及其角，自然而然地被驱赶到那里，为拜占庭人和罗马人民提供了可观的收获。
Thus Byzantion prospered for a thousand years on its exports of tuna, mackerel and other Black Sea produce, and on its position as a hub of trade and transport. Its capture by Philip of Macedon in 340 BC, its sacking by Septimius Severus in AD I96 after Byzantion had chosen the wrong side in the Roman civil war of that year, were temporary setbacks, soon consigned to memory.
因此，拜占庭凭借其金枪鱼、鲭鱼和其他黑海产品的出口以及作为贸易和交通枢纽的地位而繁荣了一千年。 公元前 340 年，它被马其顿的菲利普夺取，在拜占庭在那年的罗马内战中选择了错误的一方之后，它在公元 196 年被塞普蒂米乌斯·塞维鲁解放，这只是暂时的挫折，很快就被遗忘了。
The Emperors at Constantinople
君士坦丁堡的皇帝
Constantine I, the first Christian Emperor of Rome, was as good at choosing sites for cities as the Greek settlers who had preceded him by a thousand years. In AD 330 he selected Byzantion to be his new eastern capital, the second Rome. 'Re-founded' and renamed by him Constantinopolis, the venerable city was destined for eleven hundred years of worldwide fame as capital of the later Roman Empire - usually known nowadays as the 'Byzantine Empire', after the original name of its capital.
君士坦丁一世是罗马的第一位基督教皇帝，他在为城市选址方面与在他之前一千年的希腊定居者一样擅长。 公元 330 年，他选择拜占庭作为他的新东方首都，即第二个罗马。 “重建”并由他重新命名为君士坦丁波利斯，这座古老的城市注定要在世界范围内享有 1100 年的盛誉，成为后来罗马帝国的首都 - 现在通常以其首都的原始名称被称为“拜占庭帝国”。
The table on the following pages shows the Emperors who succeeded Constantine (omitting some very ephemeral figures) with the dates at which they reigned. It includes the 'Latin' Emperors who ruled Constantinople between 1204 and 1261. The third column gives an approximate date to some of the important events mentioned in this book and to many of the writings that are translated and quoted here.
下面几页的表格显示了继君士坦丁之后的皇帝（省略了一些非常短暂的数字）以及他们在位的日期。 它包括 1204 年至 1261 年间统治君士坦丁堡的“拉丁”皇帝。第三栏给出了本书中提到的一些重要事件以及此处翻译和引用的许多著作的大致日期。
Byzantine historians had no consistent equivalent to the traditional Roman numerals that go with the names of monarchs. Throughout this book I have added these Roman numerals to translated extracts, or in the surrounding text, to make it easier to identify individuals in this table.
拜占庭历史学家没有一致的等同于与君主名字搭配的传统罗马数字。 在整本书中，我将这些罗马数字添加到翻译的摘录或周围的文本中，以便更容易识别此表中的个人。
At first Constantinople was, to put it at the very highest, Rome's junior equal. The vast Roman Empire had been administratively divided into two in 286, in an arrangement first put into effect by the reforming Emperor Diocletian (284-305), and Constantinople was chosen by Constantine to be the capital of the eastern half. The two halves of the Empire had very different fates. So did the two capital cities.
起初，君士坦丁堡可以说是最高的，是罗马的初级水平。286 年，庞大的罗马帝国在行政上一分为二，这是由皇帝戴克里先（284-305 年）首先实施改革的，君士坦丁选择君士坦丁堡作为东半部的首都。 帝国的两半有着截然不同的命运。 两个省会城市也是如此。
Rome soon gave way to Milan as western capital, and in 476 the Western Empire was finally extinguished. Rome was fated not to regain its status as capital city for 1,400 years, with the reunification of Italy in the nineteenth century, though all through that period the Popes continued to rule their spiritual realm and an extensive secular domain from the Vatican City just across the Tiber.
罗马很快让位于米兰作为西方首都，476年，西罗马帝国灭亡。 随着 19 世纪意大利的重新统一，罗马注定要在 1400 年内恢复其首都的地位，尽管在那段时期教皇继续统治着他们的精神领域和从梵蒂冈城到台伯河对岸的广阔世俗领域。
Meanwhile the eastern Emperors maintained themselves in what was for quite long periods a stable monarchy - albeit interrupted by changes of dynasty, sometimes violent, sometimes peaceful. The emergence of one such new dynasty is thus narrated by the historian Procopius:
与此同时，东方皇帝在相当长的一段时间内维持着一个稳定的君主制——尽管被王 朝更替打断，有时是暴力的，有时是和平的。 历史学家普罗科皮乌斯也因此叙述了这样一个新王朝的出现：
When Leo I occupied the imperial throne of Byzantium, three young farmers of Illyrian origin, Zimarchus, Dityvistus, and Justin who came from Vederiana ... determined to join the army. They covered the whole distance to Byzantion on foot, carrying on their own shoulders cloaks in which on their arrival they had nothing but twice-baked bread that they had packed at home.
当利奥一世登上拜占庭帝国宝座时，来自韦德里亚纳的三个伊利里亚血统的年轻农民齐马库斯、迪蒂维斯图斯和贾斯汀……决心参军。他们徒步走遍了到拜占庭的整个距离，肩上扛着斗篷，抵达时除了家里打包的二次烤面包外，什么都没有。
This young farm boy Justin would eventually become the Emperor Justin I, father of the lawgiver and conqueror Justinian I, who was hero of Procopius' eight books of wars and villain of the same author's Secret History.
这个年轻的农场男孩贾斯汀最终将成为皇帝贾斯汀一世，他是立法者和征服者贾斯汀一世的父亲，他是普罗科皮乌斯八部战争书中的英雄和同一作者作品《秘史》的反派。
The second sentence of the extract just quoted above can also be found - abridged, unattributed and omitting the names - in two of the manuscript dictionaries that were compiled in Constantinople in later Byzantine times, several centuries after Procopius. They did not need to mention the names: everyone who was likely to use them would know Procopius' work and would recall this story of Justin's youth. But what was the 'twice-baked bread' that Justin and his two comrades carried in their knapsacks? Procopius, like many Byzantine authors, did his best to write strictly classical Greek. He knew very well that the everyday word he would have liked to use here was simply unacceptable: it was to be found in no classical author. So he used instead a respectable paraphrase, 'twice-baked bread'. Zonaras, one of those two later lexicographers, kindly gives us a hint as to Procopius' meaning. 'Twice-baked bread is what the Romans callpaxamas', writes Zonaras' ('Romans' means the people of the Byzantine Empire). And Zonaras is right. At this crucial moment - the long walk of Justin I - the paximadi emerges into the bright light of history; a thick slice of barley bread, baked till bone-dry and almost bone-hard, that still offers the basis of many a simple Greek meal.
上面刚刚引用的摘录的第二句话也可以在普罗科皮乌斯之后几个世纪的拜占庭晚期在君士坦丁堡编纂的两部手稿词典中找到 - 删节、未注明出处和省略名称。他们不需要提及这些名字：每个可能使用它们的人都会知道普罗科皮乌斯的作品，都会想起贾斯汀年轻时的这个故事。但是贾斯汀和他的两个战友背包里的“二次烤面包”是什么？像许多拜占庭作家一样，普罗科皮乌斯竭尽全力写出严格的古典希腊文。他很清楚，他想在这里使用的日常用词根本无法接受：在古典作家作品中找不到它。所以他改用了一个受人尊敬的解释，“两次烤面包”。 佐纳拉斯是后来的两位词典编纂者之一，他亲切地向我们暗示了普罗科皮乌斯的意思。“二次烤面包是罗马人所说的paxamas”，Zonaras 写道（“罗马人”是指拜占庭帝国的人民）。佐纳拉斯是对的。 在这个关键时刻——贾斯汀一世的漫漫长路——帕西马迪出现在历史的璀璨光芒中； 一片厚厚的大麦面包，烤到骨干，几乎骨硬，这仍然是许多简单希腊餐的基础。
We know a good deal about the wars that Byzantine Emperors fought. We know too much about the sectarian controversies in which they engaged with greater or less enthusiasm. We know rather little about what these Emperors were like, individually, in everyday life. Byzantine history is fairly well covered by a series of narrative histories written by contemporaries, but these histories seldom strike the personal note. There are just a few texts that seem to give us palace life as it really was. Procopius' fiercely critical, indeed scurrilous, Secret History is one of them. A few centuries later we can turn to the dry and observant court memoirs of the scholar Michael Psellus, entitled Chronographia. This is how Psellus introduces one of the thirteen Emperors under whom he lived:
我们对拜占庭皇帝所进行的战争了如指掌。 我们对他们或多或少热情参与的宗派争论了解得太多。我们对这些皇帝在日常生活中的个人情况知之甚少。同时代人撰写的一系列叙事历史很好地涵盖了拜占庭历史，但这些历史很少引起个人注意。只有几篇文字似乎给了我们真实的宫殿生活。普罗科皮乌斯的批判性极强、实际上很粗俗的《秘史》就是其中之一。几个世纪后，我们可以转向学者 Michael Psellus 枯燥而敏锐的宫廷回忆录，题为 Chronographia。 这就是 Psellus 介绍他所生活的十三位皇帝之一的方式：
Constantine VIII was very big in stature, over eight feet tall, and had a fairly strong physique. His stomach was strong, too, and his constitution was well able to deal with whatever he ate. He was a highly skilled mixer of sauces, seasoning his dishes with colours and flavours so as to arouse the appetite of all types of eaters. He was ruled by food and sex. His self-indulgence had brought on a disease of the joints. Both feet, in particular, were so bad that he could not walk, and ever since he became Emperor no one knew him to choose to go about on foot; firm in his saddle, he would ride everywhere.
君士坦丁八世身材高大，身高超过八英尺，体格相当强壮。 他的胃也很强壮，他的体质能够很好地应付他吃的任何东西。 他是一位技艺高超的调料大师，用颜色和味道调味他的菜肴，以引起各种食客的胃口。 他受食物和性的支配。 他的自我放纵导致了关节疾病。 尤其是双脚都烂得不能走路了，自从他成为皇帝之后，谁也不知道他会选择步行。 他稳稳地坐在马鞍上，到处骑。
Constantine VIII was, so far as we now know, the only amateur chef in the whole list of Byzantine Emperors (later we shall encounter an empress who was an amateur blender of perfumes). Not long afterwards, with the successful revolt in 1081 by the brothers Alexius and Isaac Comnenus, we are reminded that food can serve as a potent metaphor. The source is Alexius' daughter Anna, who wrote her father's life. The first secret moves toward revolution, she tells us, were reported in a coded message sent to a trusted sympathizer: "'We have prepared an excellent dish, well sauced. If you would like to share the festivity, come as soon as you can to join our meal".'
就我们现在所知，君士坦丁八世是整个拜占庭皇帝名单中唯一的业余厨师（稍后我们会遇到一位业余调香师的皇后）。不久之后，随着 1081 年亚历克修斯 (Alexius) 和艾萨克·科穆宁 (Isaac Comnenus) 兄弟成功起义，我们被提醒食物可以作为一个强有力的隐喻。来源是亚历克修斯的女儿安娜，她写了她父亲的一生。 她告诉我们，迈向革命的第一个秘密行动是在发送给一位值得信赖的同情者的加密信息中报告的：“‘我们准备了一道很棒的菜，调味很好。如果您想分享节日，请尽快来参加我们的餐点。’”
The last of the great insider narratives of palace life is the History of Nicetas Choniates. This powerful work, written after the fall of Constantinople to the Crusaders in 1204, is at the same time a private history of the doomed court, a public history of the fall of Empire and a lament over what had been lost. It happens to show us, in the portrait of Alexius's grandson, Manuel I Comnenus, that this populist Emperor used the food metaphor in a completely different way.
最后一部关于宫廷生活的伟大内幕故事是《尼西塔斯乔尼亚茨的历史》。 这部强有力的作品写于 1204 年君士坦丁堡沦陷于十字军之手之后，同时也是一部关于注定失败的宫廷的私人历史、一部帝国衰落的公共历史以及对失去的悲叹。 在 Alexius 的孙子 Manuel I Comnenus（曼努埃尔一世） 的肖像中，恰巧向我们展示了这位民粹主义皇帝以完全不同的方式使用食物隐喻。
On another occasion Manuel had spent the day at the Palace at Blachernae. Returning from there late in the evening he passed the saleswomen who had street food - 'snacks', in everyday speech - out on display. He suddenly felt like drinking the hot soup and taking a bite of cabbage. One of his servants, called Anzas, said that they had better wait and control their hunger: there would be plenty of proper food when they got home. Giving him a sharp glance Manuel said rather crossly that he would do exactly what he pleased. He went straight up to the bowl that the market woman was holding, full of the soup that he fancied. He leaned over, drank it down greedily and had several mouthfuls of greens on the side. Then he took out a bronze stater and handed it to one of his people. 'Change this for me,' he said. 'Give the lady her two oboloi, and make sure you give me back the other two!"
还有一次，曼努埃尔在布拉赫内宫度过了一天。 深夜从那里回来时，他路过售卖街头食品的女售货员——在日常用语中是“小吃”——陈列出来的。他突然想喝一口热汤，咬一口白菜。 他的一个叫安萨斯的仆人说，他们最好等一下，控制住自己的饥饿感：他们到家时会有很多合适的食物。敏锐地瞥了他一眼，曼努埃尔相当生气地说他会做他喜欢的事。 他径直走到市场女人端着的碗边，碗里盛满了他喜欢的汤。他俯身，贪婪地喝了下去，旁边还夹了几口青菜。 然后他拿出一个青铜器，递给他的一个人。 “为我改变这个，”他说。 “给那位女士她的两个oboloi，并确保你把另外两个还给我！”
In a sense, Manuel I was the very last Byzantine Emperor: he was the last who exercised real and durable power over an extensive realm. Until his time, Byzantine history is a history of long and slow shrinkage, balanced to some degree by the extension of Byzantine cultural influence far beyond the borders of the Byzantine state. After Manuel's death the decline becomes a collapse from which there is no recovery. The rulers that follow him have neither the time nor the skill to govern. The great city at the sight of which Geoffroi de Villehardouin and his fellow-crusaders shiver in 1203 - only twenty-three years after Manuel's death - will be a great city no longer when they have done their work. The Empire re-established by Michael Palaeologus in 1261 is a small, weak, almost bankrupt realm, an Empire only by courtesy. Soon it is a mere city-state, tributary to the Turkish Empire, to which it will fall in 1453. Whereupon the Turkish court, most recently established at Adrianople, was immediately moved to Constantinople, which now entered upon its new role as capital of the Ottoman Empire.
从某种意义上说，曼努埃尔一世是最后一位拜占庭皇帝：他是最后一位对广阔领域行使真正持久权力的人。在他那个时代之前，拜占庭历史是一部漫长而缓慢收缩的历史，在某种程度上，拜占庭文化影响力远远超出了拜占庭国家的边界。曼努埃尔死后，衰退变成了崩溃，无法恢复。 跟随他的统治者既没有时间也没有能力统治。1203 年，杰弗里·德·维尔哈杜安 (Geoffroi de Villehardouin) 和他的十字军同胞看到这座伟大的城市——曼努埃尔死后仅 23 年——在他们完成工作后将不再是一座伟大的城市。1261 年由迈克尔·帕莱奥洛格斯重新建立的帝国是一个小而弱、几乎破产的王国，一个仅靠礼貌外交的帝国。 很快它就只是一个城邦，隶属于土耳其帝国，并于 1453 年落入土耳其帝国。因此，最近在阿德里安堡成立的土耳其宫廷立即迁往君士坦丁堡，该城现在开始扮演奥斯曼帝国首都的新角色。
And so - to look ahead beyond the time-frame of this book - Byzantion and Constantinopolis were reborn under a third name. This name - the one that the great city still bears - betrays its timeless status as metropolis. What is the origin of Istanbul? It is the medieval Greek peasant's answer to the typical question posed by a stranger anywhere near Constantinople. 'Where does this road go? Where can I buy food and wine? Where will I find lodging tonight?' The answer was is tin boli, 'to the City, at the City'. This was, without rival, 'the City'.
因此——超越本书的时间框架——拜占庭和君士坦丁堡以第三个名字重生。 这个名字 - 这座伟大城市仍然拥有的名字 - 背叛了它作为大都市的永恒地位。 伊斯坦布尔的起源是什么？ 这是中世纪希腊农民对君士坦丁堡附近任何地方的陌生人提出的典型问题的回答。 '这条路通向哪里？ 我在哪里可以买到食物和酒？ 今晚我在哪里可以找到住宿？ 答案是 tin boli（？？？不知道啥意思），“到城市，在城市”。这是没有竞争对手的“城市”。
未完待续（拜占庭印章系列也在持续更新！！！）
