大西洋奴隶贸易中奴隶和船员死亡率的决定因素（4）脚注
## 来自你的消息:
Sample Means
Table 12 lists the sample means of variables employed in the regressions.
These data depict the nature of the sample and are required for calculating
probabilities along the lines of those discussed in the text.
34
FOOTNOTES
1. Mortality in the Atlantic slave trade is the central concern of the fol lowing studies: Philip D. Curtin, "Epidemiology and the Slave Trade,"
Political Science Ouarterly, 83 (1968), 190—216; Herbert S. Klein and
Stanley L. Engerman, "Shipping Ptterns and Mortality in the African Slave
Trade to Rio de Janeiro, 1825—1830," Cahiers d'etudes Africaines, 15
(1975), 381-398; "Slave Mortality on British Ships, 1791-1797," in Roger
T. Anstey and P.E.H. Hair, eds., Liverpool, the African Slave Trade and
Abolition (Liverpool, 1976), pp. 113—125; "A Note on Mortality in the
French Slave Trade in the Eighteenth Century," in Henry A. Gemery and Jan
S. Hogendorn, eds., The Uncommon Market: Essays in the Economic History
of the Atlantic Slave Trade (New York, 1979),pp. 261—272; Herbert S.
Klein, The Middle Passage (Princeton, 1978); Johannes Postma, "Mortality
in the Dutch Slave Trade, 1675—1795," in Henry A. Gemery and Jan 5.
Hogendorn, The Uncommon Market: Essays in the Economic History of the
Atlantic Slave Trade (New York, 1979), pp. 239—272; Robert Stein,
"Mortality in the Eighteenth—Century French Slave Trade," Journal of
African History 21 (1980), 35—41; Joseph C. Miller, "Mortality in the
Atlantic Slave Trade: Statistical Evidence on Causality," Journal of
Interdisciplinary History 11 (1981), 385—423; Raymond L. Cohn and Richard
A. Jensen, "The Determinants of Slave Mortality Rates on the Middle
Passage," Explorations in Economic History 19 (1982), 269—282; "Mortality
in the Atlantic Slave Trade," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 13
(1982), 317-329; and David Eltis, "Mortality and Voyage Length in the
Middle Passage: New Evidence from the Nineteenth Century," Journal of
Economic History, 44 (1984), 301-308. See also Philip D. Curtin, The
Atl antic Slave Trade: A Census (Madison, 1969); Richard Nelson Bean, The
35
British Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, 1650—1775 (New York, 1975); Michael
Craton, Sinews of Empire: A Short History of British Slavery (New York,
1974); Roger Anstey, The Atlantic Slave Trade and British Abolition, 1760—
1810 (London, 1975); Tomri' Todd Hamm, The American Slave Trade with
Africa, 1620—1807 (Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University, 1975); James A.
Rawley, The Transatlantic Slave Trade: A History (New York, 1981).
## 来自ChatAI的消息:
样本均值
表12列出了回归中所使用变量的样本均值。这些数据描述了样本的性质，用于计算类似于文本中讨论的概率。
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脚注
1. 大西洋奴隶贸易中的死亡率是以下研究的中心关注点：Philip D. Curtin的《流行病学与奴隶贸易》（1968年），Political Science Ouarterly，83（1968年），190-216；Herbert S. Klein和Stanley L. Engerman的《航运模式与里约热内卢非洲奴隶贸易的死亡率，1825-1830年》，Cahiers d'etudes Africaines，15（1975年），381-398；Roger T. Anstey和P.E.H. Hair合著的《利物浦，非洲奴隶贸易与废奴主义》（Liverpool, 1976），pp. 113-125；Henry A. Gemery和Jan S. Hogendorn合著的《非凡的市场：大西洋奴隶贸易经济史论文集》（纽约，1979年），pp. 261-272；Herbert S. Klein的《中段旅程》（普林斯顿，1978年）；Johannes Postma的《1675-1795年荷兰奴隶贸易中的死亡率》（纽约，1979年），pp. 239-272；Robert Stein，《18世纪法国奴隶贸易中的死亡率》（1980），Journal of African History，21（1980），35-41；Joseph C. Miller，《大西洋奴隶贸易中的死亡率：因果关系的统计证据》（1981），Journal of Interdisciplinary History，11（1981），385-423；Raymond L. Cohn和Richard A. Jensen，《中段旅程奴隶死亡率的决定因素》（1982），Explorations in Economic History，19（1982），269-282；1982年《大西洋奴隶贸易中的死亡率》，Journal of Interdisciplinary History，13（1982），317-329；David Eltis，《19世纪中段旅程中的死亡率与航程长度：新的证据》，Journal of Economic History，44（1984），301-308。另请参阅Philip D. Curtin的《大西洋奴隶贸易：一项人口普查》（麦迪逊，1969年）；Richard Nelson Bean的《1650-1775年英国跨大西洋奴隶贸易》（纽约，1975年）；Michael Craton的《帝国的纽带：英国奴隶制简史》（纽约，1974年）；Roger Anstey的《大西洋奴隶贸易与英国废奴主义，1760-1810年》（伦敦，1975年）；Tomri' Todd Hamm的《美国与非洲的奴隶贸易，1620-1807年》（印第安纳大学博士论文，1975年）；James A. Rawley的《大西洋奴隶贸易：历史概况》（纽约，1981年）。
## 来自你的消息:
2. Miller, "Mortality in the Atlantic Slave Trade," and Eltis, "Mortality and
Voyage Length" employ the second measure.
3. A total of 7 slaves in the sample were returned to shore as sick. These
unloadings were arbitrarily counted as deaths.
4. The estimated relationship is
Crew = 11.64 + 0. 07956 Tons, N = 45, R2 = .62
(5.43) (8.46)
T—values are given in parenthesis. Simple non—linear functional forms fit
little or no better than the simple linear form.
5. The terms "death rate" and "mortality rate" are sometimes used loosely and
interchangeably. According to usage by demographers death rates are based
on the average number of person-years at risk during a time period and
mortality rates are based on the number at risk at the beginning of a time
period. If there is little change in the number of persons at risk during
the interval, the difference between the measures is small. Given the
loading and unloading of slaves it is approiate to use death rates as op posed to mortality rates in this paper. For a discussion of terminology
see Henry S. Shryock and Jacob S. Siegel, The Methods and Materials of
Demography (Washington, 1975), vol. 2, chap. 14.
6. For discussion of medical knowledge in the eighteenth century see
Christopher Lloyd and Jack L. S. Coulter, Medicine and the Navy, 1200—1900,
36
vol. III, 1714—1815 (Edinburgh, 1961), and H. Harold Scott, A History of
Tropical Medicine, 2 vols. (London, 1939).
7. The potential for contaminated water suggests that typhoid may have
contributed to deaths from fevers. Typhus is an unlikely cause of fevers
because it is usually associated with blankets and clothing characteristic
of colder climates.
8. Symptons of tropical diseases are discussed in G. Thomas Strickland,
Hunter's Tropical Medicine (Philadelphia, 1984) and Oscar Felsenfeld, The
Epidemiology of Tropical Diseases (Springfield, Ill., 1966). R. Hoeppli,
Parasitic Diseases in Africa and the Western Hemisphere: Early
Documentation and Transmission by the Slave Trade (Basél, 1969), p. 62
notes that as late as the early nineteenth century dysentery was thought
to be but oneof the symptoms of malaria.
9. Data in B.R. Mitchell, European Historical Statistics, 1750—1970 (New
York, 1975), Table B6 show that crude death rates in European populations
of the late 1700s and early 1800s commonly fell in the interval of 20 to
30 per thousand. The model West level 7 life tables of Ansley J. Coale
and Paul Demeny, Regional Model Life Tables and Stable Populations (Prin ceton, 1966) has crude death rates in the neighborhood of 30 to 35 per
thousand (given reasonable assumptions of the range of European birth
rates), and is a conservative (high mortality) benchmark for these popu lations. The average of the age-specific mortality rates for males in the
level 7 table for age groups 10-15 to 30—34 is 10.4 per thousand.
Soldiers not engaged in combat are a reference group against which
the experiences of slaves and crew can be compared. The annual death rate
among Dragoon guards serving in the United Kingdom from 1830 to 1836 was
37
14 per thousand from disease and 1.3 per thousand from suicide, murder,
and accidents (see Parliamentary Papers, Statistical Report on the
Sickness, Mortality, and Invaliding Among the Troops in the United Kingdom
(London, 1839), p. 4).
## 来自ChatAI的消息:
2. 米勒在《大西洋奴隶贸易中的死亡率》和埃尔蒂斯在《死亡率与航程长度》采用了第二种衡量指标。
3. 样本中共有7名奴隶因病返回岸边。这些下船被任意算作死亡。
4. 估计的关系是
船员 = 11.64 + 0.07956 吨, N = 45, R2 = .62
(5.43) (8.46)
T值以括号表示。简单的非线性函数形式的拟合结果与简单线性形式几乎没有区别。
5. 术语“死亡率”和“死亡率”有时可以松散和可互换地使用。据人口统计学家的使用，死亡率是基于一个时间段内的平均人年数，而死亡率是基于一个时间段开始时的人数。如果在间隔期间人数变化很小，这两种测量方法之间的差异很小。鉴于奴隶的装卸，本文采用死亡率而不是死亡率。有关术语的讨论，请参阅Henry S. Shryock和Jacob S. Siegel的《人口学的方法与材料》（华盛顿，1975年），第2卷，第14章。
6. 有关18世纪医学知识的讨论，请参阅克里斯托弗·洛伊德和杰克·L·S·科尔特的《航海药学》（1200-1900），第III卷，1714-1815（爱丁堡，1961年），以及H·哈罗德·斯科特的《热带医学史》（伦敦，1939年），2卷。
7. 污染水的潜在性表明伤寒可能是导致发热死亡的原因之一。斑疹伤寒不太可能导致发热，因为它通常与寒冷气候特征的毯子和衣物有关。
8. 热带病症状讨论请参阅G. Thomas Strickland的《亨特的热带医学》（费城，1984年）和奥斯卡·费尔森菲尔德的《热带疾病流行病学》（伊利诺伊州斯普林菲尔德市，1966年）。H. Harold Scott在其作品《非洲和西半球的寄生虫病：奴隶贸易的早期文献和传播》（巴塞尔，1969年）第62页中指出，直到19世纪初，痢疾被认为是疟疾的症状之一。
9. B.R. 米切尔的《欧洲历史统计资料》（1750-1970）数据表B6显示，18世纪后期和19世纪初期的欧洲人口中粗死亡率通常在20到30‰之间。 Ansley J. Coale和Paul Demeny的《地区模型寿命表和稳定人口》（普林斯顿，1966年）第7级模型西部寿命表具有约30到35‰的粗死亡率（在合理假设下考虑到欧洲出生率的范围），是这些人口的保守（高死亡率）基准。第7级范围10-15至30-34岁男性年龄特异性死亡率的平均值为10.4‰。
不参与战斗的士兵是一个参照群体，可以将奴隶和船员的经历与之进行比较。从1830年到1836年，在英国服役的备龙轻骑兵的年死亡率由疾病导致为14‰，自杀、谋杀和事故导致的死亡率为1.3‰（见《议会文献，关于英国驻军的疾病、死亡和伤残的统计报告》（伦敦，1839年），第4页）。
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10. The model West level 1 life table has crude death rates in the neighbor hood of 47 to 51 per thousand (given reasonable assumptions about the
range of European birth rates). In this table the average of the age—
specific mortality rates for males in the age groups 10—14 to 30—34 is 18
per thousand.
11. Philip D. Curtin, "The White Man's Grave; Image and Reality," Journal of
British Studies 1 (1961), 94—110; The Image of Africa: British Ideas and
Action 1780—1850 (Madison, 1964); K.E. Davies, "The Living and the Dead:
White Mortality in West Africa, 1684—1742," in Stanley L. Engeman and
.ugene D. Genovese, Race and Si avery in the Western Hemi sphere:
Quantitative Studies (Princeton, 1975), 83—98; H.M. Feinberg, "New Data
on European Mortality in West Africa: The Dutch on the Gold Coast, 1719—
1760," Journal of African History 15 (1974), 357—371.
12. See Lloyd and Coulter, Medicine and the Navy, pp. 293—328 for a discus—
sion of the conquest of scurvy.
13. Ibid, pp. 348-352. Klein, The Middle Passage, p. 229, notes that inocula tion pervaded the slave trade by the second half of the eighteenth cen tu ry.
14. Marc H. Dawson, "Smallpox in Kenya, 1880-1920," Social Science and
Medicine 13B (1979), 245—250; Eugenia W. Herbert, "Smallpox Inoculation in
Africa," Journal of African History 4 (1975), 539—559.
38
15. Abraham M. Lilienfeld, Foundations of Epidemiology (New York, 1976),
Chap. 3 and Brian MacMahen and Thomas F. Pugh, Epidemiology: Principles
and Methods (Boston, 1970), Chaps. 1—4.
16. Curtin, "White Man's Grave," pp. 95—97.
17. Classic works in the area include Norman 1. J. Bailey, The Mathematical
Theory of Epidemics (New York, 1957) and Hugo Muench, Catalytic Models in
Epidemiology (Cambridge, Mass., 1959).
18. The share of deaths occurring on days in which there were two or more
deaths was so low that it justifies the use of a logit model as an
approximation for calcuating probabilities of death. Only 3.3 percent of
crew deaths from fevers, for example, occurred on days in which there
were two or more deaths. Pmong the eight data sets used, the largest
share of deaths occuring on days in which there were two or more deaths
(12.7 percent) involved slaves dying from gastrointestinal diseases
during the voyage.
19. Strickland, Hunter's Tropical Medicine; Paul F. Russell, Luther S. West,
Reginald D. Manwell, and George MacDonald, Practical Malairology (London,
1963).
20. Strickland, Hunter's Tropical Medicine, pp. 279—282; Felsenfeld,
Epidemiology, pp. 130—134.
21. Leonard Jan Bruce-Chwatt, Essential Malariology (London, 1980) pp. 117—
120; Russel etal., Practical Malariology, p. 237 and pp. 239—240.
22. Joseph C. Miller, "The Significance of Drought, Disease, and Famine in
the Agriculturally Marginal Zones of West—Central Africa," Journal of
African History 23(1982), p. 23.
39
## 来自ChatAI的消息:
10. West水平的1级人口生命周期表在欧洲出生率的合理假设下，粗死亡率在47到51每千人的范围内。在这张表中，男性10-14至30-34岁年龄组的年龄特定死亡率平均为每千人18人。
11. Philip D. Curtin，《白人之墓：形象与现实》，《英国研究杂志》1 (1961), 94-110；《非洲形象：1780年-1850年的英国思想和行动》(麦迪逊，1964)；K.E. Davies，《生者和死者：1684年-1742年的白人死亡率在西非》, in Stanley L. Engeman and
.ugene D. Genovese，《西半球的种族和奴隶制：数量研究》(普林斯顿，1975), 83-98; H.M. Feinberg，《关于西非欧洲死亡率的新数据：1719年-1760年的荷兰人在黄金海岸》，《非洲历史杂志》15 (1974), 357-371.
12. 有关击败坏血病的讨论详见劳埃德和科尔特，《军队医学》第293-328页。
13. 同上述参考文献。克莱因，《中间段行程》， 第229页，指出接种在18世纪下半叶流行于奴隶贸易中。
14. Marc H. Dawson，《肯尼亚的天花，1880年-1920年》，《社会科学与医学》13B (1979), 245-250；Eugenia W. Herbert，《非洲的天花接种》，《非洲历史杂志》4 (1975), 539-559.
15. Abraham M. Lilienfeld，《流行病学基础》(纽约，1976)，第三章和Brian MacMahen和Thomas F. Pugh，《流行病学：原理与方法》(波士顿，1970)，第1-4章。
16. Curtin，《白人之墓》，第95-97页。
17. 该领域的经典作品包括Norman I. J. Bailey，《流行病学的数学理论》(纽约，1957)和Hugo Muench，《流行病学中的催化模型》(剑桥，马萨诸塞州，1959)。
18. 在发生两个或更多死亡的日子里，死亡所占比例非常低，这证明使用逻辑模型来近似计算死亡概率是合理的。例如，只有3.3%的船员死于发热的死亡发生在有两个或更多死亡的日子。在使用的八个数据集中，发生在有两个或更多死亡的日子里的死亡中，以消化系统疾病导致的奴隶死亡占最大比例(12.7%)。
19. Strickland，《猎人的热带医学》；Paul F. Russell, Luther S. West, Reginald D. Manwell和George MacDonald，《实用疟疾学》(伦敦，1963)。
20. Strickland，《猎人的热带医学》，第279-282页；Felsenfeld，《流行病学》，第130-134页。
21. Leonard Jan Bruce-Chwatt，《基本疟疾学》(伦敦，1980) 第117-120页；Russel等，《实用疟疾学》，第237页和第239-240页。
22. Joseph C. Miller，《干旱、疾病和饥荒在西中非农业边缘区的重要性》，《非洲历史杂志》23 (1982), 第23页。
## 来自你的消息:
23. The probabilities were calculated from the regression coefficients and
the logistic function by evaluating other independent variables at their
sample mean. Similar calculations giving relative risks of deaths for
other variables can be done using the sample means given in the appendix.
24. Seasonal patterns of rainfall are from Roland Oliver and Michael Crowder,
The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Africa (Cambridge, 1981), p. 43.
25. Kenneth F. Kiple and Virginia Himmelsteib King, Another Dimension to the
Black Diaspora: Diet, Disas, and Racism (Cambridge, 1981); W.B.
Morgan and J.C. Pugh, West Africa (London, 1969); Jean Delmont,
"Paludisme et variations climatiques saisonnieres on savane soudanienne
d' Afrique de l'Ouest," Cahiers d'Etudes Africaines 22 (1982), 117—133.
26. There is evidence that captains assigned some of the ship's crew the only
task of cleaning the ship. See George Francis Dow, Slave Ships and
Slaving (Salem, Mass., 1927), pp. 82-83.
27. The last 13 days of observations for voyages going to Jamaica are not
included in the regressions on the grounds that provisions acquired from
a landfall on one of the outer islands may have lessened the comparabil ity with non—Jamaica—bound voyages. Thus all voyages "ended" when a
landfall was made.
28. Curtin, "White Man's Grave," p. 95.
29. Strickland, Hunter's Tropical Medicine, p. 534.
30. Ibid., p. 523.
31. Ibid., p. 280. The long incubation period for amoebic dysentery (20 to
90 days) suggests that spread of this disease was not primarily responsi ble for the inverted—U pattern. However, poorly-nourished slaves who
40
contracted the disease on shore could have died from it during the
voyage.
32. The regression is Length (in Days) = 41.11 —0.0227 Tons
(10.2) (—1.42)
+ 20. 98 Gold Coast + 23. 70 Beni n + 17.64 Bi afra
(3.42) (2.02) (5.04)
+ 11.01 Congo-Angola + 12.95 Jamaica, N = 176, R2 = .25.
(2.85) (5.02)
The omitted variables are Senegambia, Sierra Leone, and Windward Coast.
This group of variables was omitted because there was no statiscally significant difference in voyage length from these areas. The data source
is the Return to an Order of the Right Honorable the House of Lords dated
the 10th of July 1799, directing that the clerk of the Parliments do
cause to be extracted from the several log books and Journals of Ships
employed in the Slave Trade in each year 1791 to 1797 ..., dated 28 July
1800. Only those observations from this source having all relevant
information on tons, origin, destination, and dates were used.
33. For discussions of regional patterns see Eltis, "Mortality and Voyage
Length"; Postma, "Mortality in the Dutch Slave Trade"; Klein, Middle
Passage; Klein and Engerman, "Slave Mortality on British Ships"; Klein
and Engerman, "Shipping Patterns and Mortality"; and Curtin, Atlantic
Slave Trade, chap. 10.
34. Sanderson, "The Liverpool Delegates and Sir William Dolben's Bill,"
Transactions of the Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire 124
(1972), 57—84 discusses the views of contemporaries. Recent quantitative
studies on this question include Eltis, "Mortality and Voyage Length";
Postma, "Mortality in the Dutch Slave Trade"; Klein, The Middle Passage;
and Klein and Engerman "Slave Mortality on British Ships"; and "A Note on
Mortality in the French Slave Trade."
## 来自ChatAI的消息:
23. 概率是根据回归系数和逻辑函数计算得出的，通过将其他独立变量评估为它们的样本平均值来进行。可以使用附录中给出的样本均值进行类似的计算，以得到其他变量的死亡相对风险。
24. 关于降雨的季节模式参考Roland Oliver和Michael Crowder的《非洲剑桥百科全书》（剑桥，1981年），第43页。
25. Kenneth F. Kiple和Virginia Himmelsteib King的《黑人移民的另一个维度：饮食、灾害和种族主义》（剑桥，1981年）；W.B. Morgan和J.C. Pugh的《西非》（伦敦，1969年）；Jean Delmont，《关于撒哈拉以南非洲苏丹大草原上疟疾和季节性气候变化的论文》，《非洲研究手册》22（1982年），117-133页。
26. 有证据表明船长指派部分船员负责清洁船舶。详见George Francis Dow的《奴隶船和奴隶贸易》（塞勒姆，马萨诸塞州，1927年），第82-83页。
27. 不包括去牙买加的航行的最后13天观测数据，因为从外层岛屿上获得的补给品可能会减少与非去牙买加航行的可比性。因此，所有航行在到达陆地时“结束”。
28. Curtin，《白人的墓地》，第95页。
29. Strickland，《猎人的热带医学》，第534页。
30. 同上，第523页。
31. 同上，第280页。阿米巴痢疾的长潜伏期（20至90天）表明，该疾病的传播不是倒U形模式的主要原因。然而，营养不良的船上奴隶在陆地上感染该病后可能会在航行中死亡。
32. 回归方程为航行长度（天）= 41.11 - 0.0227吨（10.2）（-1.42）+ 20.98金海岸+ 23.70贝宁+ 17.64比亚法（3.42）（2.02）（5.04）+ 11.01刚果-安哥拉+ 12.95牙买加，N = 176， R2 = 0.25。
（2.85）（5.02）
Senegambia、塞拉利昂和Windward Coast是被省略的变量。这组变量被省略是因为这些地区的航行长度没有统计学上的显著差异。数据来源为《英国上议院于1799年7月10日发布的命令回归》，要求议会的法书记官从1791年至1797年的奴隶贸易中的各个船只的日志和日记中提取相关信息......，日期为1800年7月28日。仅使用了含有所有相关吨位、起始地、目的地和日期信息的观测数据。
33. 关于地区模式的讨论可参考Eltis的《死亡率和航行长度》；Postma的《荷兰奴隶贸易中的死亡率》；Klein的《中间过程》；Klein和Engerman的《英国船只上奴隶死亡率》；Klein和Engerman的《航线模式和死亡率》；以及Curtin的《大西洋奴隶贸易》，第10章。
34. Sanderson，《利物浦代表团和威廉·多尔本爵士的法案》，《兰开夏和柴郡历史学会交易》124（1972），57-84页讨论了当时的观点。最近关于这个问题的定量研究包括Eltis的《死亡率和航行长度》；Postma的《荷兰奴隶贸易中的死亡率》；Klein的《中间过程》；以及Klein和Engerman的《英国船只上奴隶死亡率》；以及《关于法国奴隶贸易死亡率的注解》。
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35. Investigations of mortality rates and voyage length include Eltis,
"Mortality and Voyage Length"; Cohn and Jensen, "The Determinants of
Slave Mortality Rates"; Miller, "Mortality in the Atlantic Slave Trade";
Postma, "Mortality in the Dutch Slave Trade"; Klein, The Middle Passage;
Klein and Engernian, "Slave Mortality on British Ships;" "A Note on French
Mortality in the French Slave Trade;" "Shipping Patterns and Mortality;"
and Curtin, Atlantic Slave Trade.
36. Dow, Slave Ships, pp. 144—145 discusses problems of adjusting provisions
during the course of the voyage. The questions facing the captain can be
formulated as an optimal control problem. See Morton I. Kamien and Nancy
L. Schwartz, Dynamic Optimization: The Calculus of Variations and
Optimal Control in Economics and Management.
37. By way of perspective on the data in Table 3, relatively few voyages in
these data were unusually long by standards of the entire slave trade
(only 8 percent exceeded 75 days, for example), and limits on slave
capacity under Dolben's Act may have enabled ships to carry additional
provisions.
38. See, for example, Richard H. Steckel, "Slave Height Profiles from
Coastwise Manifests," Explorations in Economic History 16 (1979), 363—
380 and Robert W. Fogel etal., "Secular Changes in American and British
Stature and Nutrition," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 14 (1983),
44 5-481.
39. Postma, "Mortality in the Dutch Slave Trade"; Klein, The Middle Passage;
and Klein and Engerman, "Slave Mortality on British Ships."
40. Eltis, "Mortality and Voyage Length"; Postma, "Mortality in the Dutch
Trade"; Klein and Engerman, "A Note on Mortality in the French Slave
Trade;" "Shipping Patterns and Mortality;" Klein, The Middle Passage.
42
41. Klein and Engerman, "A Note on Mortality in the French Slave Trade;"
Curtin, Atlantic Slave Trade, pp. 282—284.
42. Data on slave prices are available in Bean, The British Trans—Atlantic
Slave Trade, p. 76; William Dickson, Mitigation of Slavery (London,
1814), pp. 259—260.
43. Dow, Slave Ships, p. 86 discusses the lack of space for food on slave
ships.
44. The point on voyage length has been made by Raymond L. Cohn, "The Trend
in Deaths of Slaves in the Middle Passage," mimeo (Illinois State
University, 1984). Information on time spent in loading in an earlier
era of the trade is available in Postma, "Mortality in the Dutch Slave
Trade."
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35. 对于死亡率和航行时间的调查包括Eltis，“死亡率与航行时间”；Cohn和Jensen，“奴隶死亡率的决定因素”；Miller，“大西洋奴隶贸易中的死亡率”；Postma，“荷兰奴隶贸易中的死亡率”；Klein，“中途之旅”；Klein和Engernian，“英国船只上的奴隶死亡率”；“有关法国奴隶贸易中的死亡率的说明”；“航运模式和死亡率”；以及Curtin，“大西洋奴隶贸易”。
36. Dow,《奴隶船》，第144-145页讨论了在航行过程中调整供应的问题。船长面临的问题可以形式化为一个最优控制问题。参见Morton I. Kamien和Nancy L. Schwartz，《动态优化：变分法和最优控制在经济和管理中的应用》。
37. 为了对第3表中的数据有一个完整的视角，根据整个奴隶贸易的标准来看，这些数据中的航行时间异常长的航程很少（例如，仅有8%的航程超过75天），而根据多尔本法案对奴隶容量的限制可能使船只能够携带额外的供应。
38. 参见，例如，Richard H. Steckel，“从沿岸清单中推断出的奴隶身高特征”，《经济史研究》，1979年，第16期，363-380页和Robert W. Fogel等人，“美国和英国身高和营养的长期变化”，《跨学科历史研究》，1983年，第14期，445-481页。
39. Postma，“荷兰奴隶贸易中的死亡率”；Klein，“中途之旅”；Klein和Engerman，“英国船只上的奴隶死亡率”。
40. Eltis，“死亡率与航行时间”；Postma，“荷兰贸易中的死亡率”；Klein和Engerman，“法国奴隶贸易中死亡率的说明”；“航运模式和死亡率”；Klein，“中途之旅”。
41. Klein和Engerman，“法国奴隶贸易中死亡率的说明”；Curtin，《大西洋奴隶贸易》，第282-284页。
42. 有关奴隶价格的数据可参考Bean，《英国跨大西洋奴隶贸易》，第76页；William Dickson，《奴隶制度的缓和措施》（伦敦，1814年），第259-260页。
43. Dow，《奴隶船》，第86页讨论了奴隶船上食物储存空间的不足问题。
44. 关于航行时间的观点由Raymond L. Cohn提出，《中途之旅中奴隶死亡的趋势》，打印稿（伊利诺伊州立大学，1984年）。关于早期贸易时期的装载时间信息可在Postma，《荷兰奴隶贸易中的死亡率》中找到。
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45. Robert S. Smith, "Compensating Wage Differentials and Public Policy: A
Reviei," Industrial and Labor Relations Review 32 (April 1979k), 33932.
46. Some work has been done in this area. See, for example, James C. Riley,
"Mortality on Long—Distance Voyages in the Eighteenth Century," Journal
of Economic History 41 (September 1981), 651—656; Raymond L. Cohn,
"Mortality on Immigrant Voyages to New York, 1836—1853," Journal of
Economic History 44 (June 1984), 289-300; Farley Grubb," Mobility and
Mortality on the North Atlantic Passage: Evidence from Eighteenth Century German Migration," mimeo (University of Delaware, 1984).
47. The text of the act is given in Elizabeth Donnan, Documents Illustrative
of the History of the Slave Trade to America (Washington, 1931), vol. 2,
pp. 582—589. F.E. Sanderson, "The Liverpool Delegates," discusses the
debate.
43
48. If more thn 40 percent of the slaves were children (defined as no more
than 4 feet 4 inches) then every five children over the 40 percent
counted as four slaves.
49. Judy Collingwood conducted the search. Logs that failed to give dates of
slave deaths were ignored. Information sometimes missing from the papers
available to me includes dates of loading (2 logs), crew deaths (27
logs), destination (1 log), causes of crew deaths (5 logs out of the 65
containing crew deaths), and causes of slave deaths (9 logs).
50. There is one known exception. The surgeon on a ship for which the day of
arrival is known continued to record deaths for nearly two weeks after
arrival.
51. Incentives are discussed in Anstey, The Atlantic Slave Trade, p. 34.
52. Information on the time trend of mortality is available from Klein, The
Middle Passage; Eltis, "Mortality and Voyage Length"; Curtin, Atlantic
Slave Trade; chap. 10; Cohn, "The Trend."
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45. 罗伯特·S·史密斯，《工业和劳资关系评论》（1979年4月）第32期，33932页的“薪酬差异与公共政策：一项综述”。
46. 在这一领域已经进行了一些研究。例如，詹姆斯·C·莱利，《经济史学杂志》（1981年9月）第41期，651-656页的“十八世纪长途航行中的死亡情况”；雷蒙德·L·科恩，《经济史学杂志》（1984年6月）第44期，289-300页的“1836-1853年对纽约的移民航行死亡情况”；法利·格鲁布，《德拉瓦州大学》（1984年）的“十八世纪德国移民在北大西洋航行中的流动性和死亡情况”。
47. 该法案的正文措辞见伊丽莎白·唐南，《美洲奴隶贸易历史文件》（1931年华盛顿），第2卷，第582-589页。F·E·桑德森在《利物浦代表团》中讨论了这场辩论。
48. 如果超过40％的奴隶是儿童（身高不超过4英尺4英寸），那么每五名儿童超过40％的人数计为四名奴隶。
49. 朱迪·科林伍德进行了搜索。未能提供奴隶死亡日期的记录被忽略。我获得的文件中有时缺少的信息包括装载日期（2个记录）、船员死亡情况（27个记录）、目的地（1个记录）、船员死亡原因（65个记录中有5个记录）、奴隶死亡原因（9个记录）。
50. 已知有一个例外。在一艘已知到达日期的船上，医生在到达后近两周仍然记录死亡情况。
51. 奖励措施在安斯特《大西洋奴隶贸易》中有讨论，第34页。
52. 关于死亡率的时间趋势信息，可参考克莱恩的《中间航程》、埃尔蒂斯的《死亡率和航行时间》、科廷的《大西洋奴隶贸易》第十章、科恩的《趋势》。
