荷兰西印度公司和私人奴隶船上对非洲奴隶的医疗待遇（1）

CHAGPT 翻译，不过问题不大，对照英文还是很容易看懂的，懒得矫正，大家看个大概就行

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Economics without ethics?

Medical treatment of African

slaves aboard Dutch West India

Company and private slave

ships

Joost C. A. Schokkenbroek

Hong Kong Maritime Museum, Hong Kong

Leon van den Broeke

Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, The Netherlands,

Abstract

This article discusses the treatment of enslaved Africans by the Dutch during the seventeenth

and eighteenth centuries. Treatment is interpreted in two ways – morally and medically. Moral

treatment is primarily defined by the Dutch Reformed Church and its religious dogmata.

Despite the importance of this church in the provision of pastors and comforters of the

sick (ziekentroosters), information about its role in providing a religious, moral compass to

its members regarding slavery and slave trade is scattered. Medical treatment – both preventive and curative in nature – is discussed as well. The slaves were subjected to abominable

living conditions prior to their departure. Although it seems fair to state that these conditions

did not improve while sailing westward, for various reasons preventive and curative medical

measures were taken by ships’ surgeons – and to a lesser extent by comforters of the sick.

Keywords

slavery, slave trade, colonialism, medical treatment, Caribbean, Dutch West India

Company

## 来自ChatAI的消息:

经济是否可以无视伦理？

荷兰西印度公司和私人奴隶船上对非洲奴隶的医疗待遇

Joost C.A.Schokkenbroek

香港海事博物馆，香港

Leon van den Broeke

荷兰自由大学，荷兰

摘要

本文讨论了17世纪和18世纪荷兰人对待被奴役的非洲人的情况。待遇从道德和医疗两个方面进行解释。道德待遇主要由荷兰改革教会及其宗教教义来定义。尽管这个教会在提供牧师和病人"安慰者"方面具有重要作用，然而关于其在为其成员提供关于奴隶制和奴隶贸易方面的宗教、道德指引的信息并不连贯。本文还讨论了预防和治疗性质的医疗待遇。在启航前，奴隶们被置于可憎的生活条件中。尽管可以说这些条件在向西航行时并未改善，但由于各种原因，船医采取了预防和治疗措施，而病人"安慰者"的作用相对较小。

关键词

奴隶制，奴隶贸易，殖民主义，医疗治疗，加勒比地区，荷兰西印度公司

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With contributions by Joris Knoll, Linde Veen and Jasper Scholten.

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由约里斯·诺尔、林德·芬和贾斯珀·斯科尔滕共同完成。

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The Dutch played a key role in the horrors of the transatlantic slave trade during the

seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The Dutch West India Company (WIC) was one

of the major actors in this drama, but there were also private slave ships. Africans

were captured in West and Central Africa and brought over to the slave ports controlled

by the WIC or European rivals on Africa’s west coast. However, the WIC and its

European rivals did not control most West African slave ports, only some places at the

Gold Coast. From there, enslaved Africans were exported to the New World with the prospect of being enslaved on the various plantations.

This article focuses on the preventive and curative medical treatment of the enslaved

Africans traded by the Dutch during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.1 The main

question this article addresses is: how did the Dutch medically and morally treat the

slaves before, during and after their journey to the American colonies?

We will discuss three phases in chronological order. The first phase comprises the

slaves’ lives from the moment of capture until their embarkation on the ships in the

West African slave ports setting sail for the New World. The second phase is the so-called

‘middle passage’, the transatlantic voyage from the West African slave ports to the New

World. In examining the third phase we will review the slaves’ physical conditions and

medical treatment upon their arrival in the colonies and during their deployment on the

plantations. We conclude the article with a case study of how slaves were treated – including their medical treatment – in Suriname.

## 来自ChatAI的消息:

在17世纪和18世纪的跨大西洋奴隶贸易中，荷兰人发挥了关键作用。荷兰西印度公司（WIC）是这场戏剧的主要参与者之一，但也有私人奴隶船。非洲人被捕获于西非和中非，并被带到由WIC或欧洲竞争对手控制的西非海岸的奴隶港口。然而，WIC和其欧洲竞争对手并没有控制大部分西非奴隶港口，只控制了一些位于黄金海岸的地方。从那里，被奴役的非洲人被出口到新大陆的各种种植园上。

本文重点讨论了17世纪和18世纪荷兰人对被贩卖到美洲的奴隶进行的预防和治疗。本文要回答的主要问题是：荷兰人在奴隶被贩卖到美洲殖民地之前、期间和之后是如何在医学和道德上对待奴隶的？

我们将按时间顺序讨论三个阶段。第一阶段涵盖了奴隶从被俘获到启航前在西非奴隶港口上船的生活。第二阶段是所谓的"中途之旅"，即从西非奴隶港口到新大陆的跨大西洋航程。在审查第三阶段时，我们将回顾奴隶抵达殖民地时的身体状况和医疗治疗，并在种植园上服役期间的治疗。我们最后以苏里南的一个病例研究结束文章，以了解奴隶（包括他们的医疗治疗）是如何被对待的。

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Phase one: Hunting, imprisonment and transport

Between the fifteenth and nineteenth centuries approximately 12–12.5 million African

people were enslaved in Africa and subsequently purchased by European slave traders,

the vast majority of whom were transported across the Atlantic Ocean to the New

World.2 This enormous supply of enslaved Africans originated from various sources.

Some were previously enslaved by local African slaveholders. Others were enslaved

by the domestic judicial systems as a punishment for criminal activities, or as a

manner of compensation for being insolvent debtors. Another, smaller-scale source ofcapturing slaves was kidnapping. However, most of the enslaved transported by

Europeans were prisoners of war.3

The enslavement of prisoners of war was dominated by the political and military

leaders of African societies, often located deep in the African interior. British pioneer

Edward James Glave visited a few of these African societies in the late nineteenth

century. In his study, published in 1892, he describes the sight of the slaves who were

waiting to be sold to African slave traders:

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第一阶段：狩猎、关押和运输

在15至19世纪期间，约有1200-1250万非洲人在非洲被奴役，随后被欧洲奴隶贩子购买，其中绝大多数被运送到新世界。这些大量奴隶来自不同的来源。有些人之前被非洲本地奴隶主奴役。另一些人被国内司法系统作为犯罪行为的惩罚，或者作为无力偿还债务的补偿而被奴役。还有一些更小规模的奴隶来源是绑架。然而，由欧洲人运输的大多数奴隶都是战争俘虏。战俘奴隶制度受制于非洲社会的政治和军事领袖，这些领袖通常位于非洲内陆地区。英国先驱者爱德华·詹姆斯·格拉夫在19世纪末访问了其中几个非洲社会。在他1892年出版的研究中，他描述了等待被卖给非洲奴隶贩子的奴隶们的情景：

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At every village bands of slaves were offered for sale; it would be difficult to give a truthful

picture of the suffering endured by the captives in this region. (…) Others sit from day to

day with their legs and arms maintained in a fixed position by rudely constructed stocks, and

each slave is secured to the roof-posts by a cord knotted to a cane ring which either encircles

his neck or is intertwined with his wooly [sic] hair. Many die of pure starvation, as the

owners give them barely enough food to exist upon, and even grudge them that. These

hungry creatures form indeed a truly pitiable sight (…).4

Glave’s journal dates from a period when Europeans were no longer massively

involved in the transatlantic slave trade. Be this as it may, the author provides a distressing description of the treatment of slaves in the villages of their captors. Most

slaves in African communities were used for domestic purposes and had a sort of

family life with their communities.5 The position of captives who were sold as

slaves to European traders was quite different. According to Glave, the enslaved

were locked in chains for days without any food. In combination with diseases like

yellow fever, malaria and cholera, their living conditions in the tropical weather of

Central and West Africa must have been horrific.

After purchasing the enslaved in the African villages, slave merchants transported

them over long distances from the inland villages to the slave auctions or markets

located on a part of the West African coast between the Volta River and Benin: the

Slave Coast. Most slaves, were bought at the Loango Coast. These long distances

were mostly covered on foot. It has been estimated that a typical coffle of slaves

would spend eight hours on the road daily, covering roughly 20 miles. It often took

months to reach coastal cities like Offra, Ouidah or Jaquin(m) (Figure 1).

## 来自ChatAI的消息:

在每个村庄，都有奴隶出售的团队；要给出一个关于这个地区奴隶所受苦难的真实画面是困难的。（...）其他人则整天坐在用粗糙建造的枷锁固定的腿和手臂上，每个奴隶都被用绳子系在房顶的柱子上，绳子上结着一个围着他的脖子或与他蓬松的头发交织的藤环。许多人仅仅因为饥饿而死，因为主人们只给他们足够维持生存所需的食物，甚至还嫌恶给他们这点。这些饥饿的生物确实是一个可怜的景象（...）。格拉夫的日志写于欧洲人不再大规模参与跨大西洋奴隶贸易的时期。不管怎样，作者对奴隶在掳获者的村庄中受的待遇提供了一个令人痛心的描述。非洲社区中的大多数奴隶被用于家务劳动，并与他们的社区有一种家庭生活的形式。被卖给欧洲贸易商的俘虏的处境完全不同。根据格拉夫的说法，被奴役的人被锁链困住数天，而没有任何食物。加上黄热病、疟疾和霍乱等疾病，在非洲中部和西部的炎热天气下，他们的生活条件肯定是可怕的。

在非洲村庄购买奴隶后，奴隶商将他们长途运送到位于凡尔图河和贝宁之间的西非海岸的奴隶拍卖场或市场上，即奴隶海岸。大多数奴隶是在洛安戈海岸购买的。这些长途跋涉大多数都是徒步完成的。据估计，一般的奴隶队每天要花八个小时在路上，大约走20英里。通常需要几个月的时间才能到达像奥菲拉、卢伊达或Jaquin(m)这样的沿海城市（图1）。

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Notwithstanding these poor conditions, slave raiders had strong incentives for getting

the slaves to the slave markets fast and in the best shape possible. This did not, however,

prove an easy task in the tropical regions where lethal diseases were endemic, as were

starvation and assault on the slave caravans.6 Not surprisingly, British Royal African

Company agents in early eighteenth-century reports refer to ‘on-the-road slave burialsites’.

7 An eyewitness report provided by one Major William Gray depicts an overall

image of the horrors that must have been evident on these journeys through the

African inlands. The report unequivocally refers to the dehydration, exhaustion and

heat prostration the enslaved were exposed to. Considering the likelihood of a lack of

medical aid, one can imagine these travels were a recipe for death and despair. In

Gray’s words:

The men were tied in pairs by the necks, their hands secured behind their backs; the women

by their necks only, but their hands were not left free from any sense of feeling for them,

but in order to enable them to balance the immense loads of pang, corn or rice which they

were forced to carry on their heads. (…) They were hurried along at a pace little short of

running. (…) Many of the women were old, and by no means able to endure such

treatment.8

## 来自ChatAI的消息:

尽管存在恶劣的条件，但奴隶抢劫者对于迅速将奴隶运送到奴隶市场并保持最佳状态有着极大的动力。然而，在热带地区，致命疾病、饥饿和袭击奴隶队伍是一项艰巨的任务。不出所料，早在18世纪初，英国皇家非洲公司的代理人就在报告中提到了“途中奴隶埋葬地”。一位名为William Gray的高级军官提供的目击报告描述了这些旅程中无法忽视的恐怖景象。该报告毫不含糊地指出奴隶们所经历的脱水、疲惫和热力衰竭。考虑到可能缺乏医疗救助，可以想象这些旅行注定是一场死亡和绝望的灾难。用Gray的话来说：

男人们被捆绑成一对，脖子被绑在一起，手被绑在背后；而女人们只被脖子捆绑，但她们的手并没有完全没有自由感，而是为了使她们能够平衡被迫放在头上的巨大的庞大、玉米或大米等重物。(...) 他们被匆忙地驱赶着，几乎跑着前进。(...) 许多女人已经年纪大了，根本无法忍受这样的对待。

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Unlike the WIC, local slave raiders commonly implementing these journeys did not

usually keep official or trustworthy records of, for instance, mortality rates among the

slaves during these transports over land. Because of the lack of such documentation,

little is known about the details of these journeys or the number of enslaved that

succumbed before arriving at the coast.9 Nonetheless, according to Anderson, it is

likely that ‘mortality and sickness rates were highest during this first stage of the

journey’.

10

The WIC operated almost the entire African West Coast, from the Tropic of Cancer to

Luanda (Figure 2). On behalf of the States General in the Dutch Republic and to the benefit

of Johan Maurits van Nassau-Siegen (1604–1679), Governor of Dutch Brazil between

1636 and 1644, Michiel Adriaanszoon de Ruyter (1607–1676) captured the fort

St. George in Elmina in 1637 and renamed the stronghold Elmina. It is believed that the

name ‘Elmina’ derives from the Portuguese Mina de Ouro or gold mine. Elmina became

the strongest fortification in West Africa and remained under Dutch rule until 1872. In

1655, De Ruyter recaptured from the English some other Dutch forts, on Goree

Islands and some forts at the Gold Coast, but not Elmina. These forts had previously

been taken from the Dutch by the English Admiral Robert Holmes.11 Elmina was notorious

for being the WIC’s main operating centre in the region.12 The town of Elmina was founded

approximately 700 years ago. The Portuguese first arrived in 1471, trading their gold for

salt. In 1482, they began building a fort, St. George, after obtaining permission from the

local king, King Caramansa (also known as Kwamina Ansah). In 1637, the Dutch captured

this fort. It remained under Dutch rule until 1872. Other notable WIC slave ports on the

West coast of the African continent were established on the Gold Coast (current Ghana),

the Slave Coast (current Nigeria) and – briefly – in Angola (Figure 3).

## 来自ChatAI的消息:

与威廉姆斯堡会计建议组不同，实施这些旅程的地方奴隶掠夺者通常没有保留官方或可信的记录，例如在陆地上运输奴隶期间的死亡率。由于缺乏这种文档，对于这些旅程的细节或在抵达海岸之前丧生的被奴役者的数量几乎没有了解。然而，根据安德森的说法，’死亡和疾病率在旅程的第一阶段最高‘。 威廉姆斯堡会计建议组几乎在整个非洲西海岸运营，从北纬23.5°到罗安达（图2）。代表荷兰共和国的省委员会，以及荷兰巴西总督约翰·莫里茨·冯·纳索-西根（1604年至1679年），迈克尔·阿德里安松·德·路德（1607年至1676年）于1637年占领了埃尔米纳的圣乔治堡，并将其重新命名为埃尔米纳要塞。据说名字’埃尔米纳‘源自葡萄牙文的‘Mina de Ouro’或金矿。埃尔米纳成为非洲西部地区最强大的要塞，并一直由荷兰统治直到1872年。1655年，德·路德从英国人手中夺回了戈雷岛上的一些荷兰堡垒和一些位于黄金海岸的堡垒，但没有夺回埃尔米纳。这些堡垒此前曾被英国海军上将罗伯特·霍尔姆斯从荷兰人手中夺取过。埃尔米纳因为是威廉姆斯堡会计建议组在该地区的主要营运中心而臭名昭著。埃尔米纳城建于大约700年前。葡萄牙人首次于1471年抵达该地，以他们的黄金交换盐。1482年，他们开始建造一座名为圣乔治的堡垒，并获得当地国王卡拉曼萨（也被称为昆明林·安萨）的许可。1637年，荷兰人占领了这座堡垒。它一直处于荷兰统治之下，直到1872年。非洲大陆西海岸上其他著名的威廉姆斯堡会计建议组奴隶港口包括黄金海岸（现在的加纳），奴隶海岸（现在的尼日利亚）和（短暂地）安哥拉（图3）。

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When the enslaved Africans arrived at the WIC slave ports their fates varied considerably. All slaves were stored like commodities, awaiting transport to the New World.

The living standards during this period were largely determined by the type of accommodation they were kept in. Some were kept in barracks especially designed for the temporary confinement of slaves. These barracks were called barracoons. To reduce the risk of

escape some were kept in underground facilities called truncks. Most were held in the

dungeons of forts or compounds called ‘slave castles’.

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The enslaved were separated from their loved ones upon arrival at the slave forts as

men and women were housed separately. They typically stayed in these types of accommodations for a few weeks. However, in some instances it took months before they

embarked on the ship that would take them to the other side of the ocean.

As most of the slaves were bought along the West African coast and then ‘stored’ in

the slave ships, not in the trade castles, the conditions must have been abhorent. Therewere no toilet facilities available. Instead, a canal in the floor would carry away the excrement to a lower level of the floor, where it would accumulate and serve as the perfect

brewing place for bacteria and viruses. As David A. Johnson states in the Historical

Encyclopedia of World Slavery: ‘These festering holes were confined, hot and poorly

ventilated’.

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## 来自ChatAI的消息:

当被奴役的非洲人到达WIC奴隶港时，他们的命运各不相同。所有的奴隶都像商品一样被储存起来，等待被送往新世界。

这段时期的生活条件主要由他们所居住的住所类型决定。有些人被关在专门设计用于暂时囚禁奴隶的营房中。这些营房被称为巴拉库恩。为了降低逃跑的风险，有些人被关在地下设施中，称为特伦克。大多数人被关押在堡垒或称为“奴隶城堡”的囚禁场所的地牢里。

到达奴隶堡时，被奴役者与亲人被分开住宿，男女分开。他们通常在这些类型的住所中停留几周。然而，在某些情况下，他们在登上将他们带往海洋另一边的船之前可能需要数月时间。

由于大多数奴隶是在西非沿岸购买，然后“储存”在奴隶船上，而不是在贸易城堡中，条件肯定恶劣。没有可用的卫生设施。取而代之，地板上的一个沟渠会将排泄物排走到地板的较低层，那里会积聚并成为细菌和病毒的滋生地。正如大卫·A·约翰逊在《世界奴隶制度历史百科全书》中所说：“这些腐烂的洞穴狭窄、闷热且通风差”。

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Many enslaved Africans fell ill with small pox and dysentery. Malaria also played a

role, as it is considered to be an endemic disease in most of these coastal locations.15

As a result, the rate of mortality among the enslaved was directly correlated with the

time spent in these accommodations awaiting transatlantic transport.16 The longer the

enslaved were kept in these dungeons and truncks, the greater the chance was of anepidemic disease breaking out and claiming many lives. Even if the main purpose of these

castles was to store the slaves, these ‘warehouses of Black humanity’

17 also served the

purpose of breaking the warrior spirit of the male slaves in particular, making them

easier to handle by the time they boarded the ships.

Phase two: the Middle Passage

Living conditions on board

When the time had come for them to depart for the Western Colonies, the slaves were shaven

and branded. The men and children were stripped of their clothes completely; the women were

given a piece of cloth to protect at least part of their dignity. On board, the male slaves were

chained to prevent them from attempting to escape by jumping overboard and swimming back

to the shore. Usually, the crew chained two slaves together at the ankles and the wrists.18

## 来自ChatAI的消息:

许多被奴役的非洲人因痘病和痢疾而生病。疟疾也起了一定作用，因为在这些沿海地区，疟疾被认为是一种地方性疾病。因此，奴隶的死亡率与他们在这些地方等待跨大西洋运输的时间直接相关。被关押在这些地下室和笼子里的时间越长，突发流行病的机会就越大，导致许多生命丧失。即使这些城堡的主要目的是储存奴隶，这些“黑人人类的仓库”也起到了使男性奴隶特别是失去战斗精神的作用，使他们在登上船只时更容易控制。

第二阶段：中途岛

船上的居住条件

当他们准备前往西方殖民地时，奴隶们被剃光头并且被铭记。男性和儿童被完全脱光衣服；女性则被给予一块布来保护他们至少一部分的尊严。在船上，男性奴隶被用锁链拴住，防止他们尝试跳海逃走回岸边。通常，船员会把两个奴隶的脚腕和双手铐在一起。

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At night, the slaves would sometimes be chained to the ship as well as to each other.

The male slaves slept on the ‘tweendeck (tussendek).19 The women and children wereseparated from the men and slept at the sconce (schans).20 The sconce was also referred to

as the hoerengat (whores’ spot), from which one can infer that even though it was strictly

prohibited for the captain and crew to have sexual relations with the female slaves, it happened frequently.21

Reports vary on the size of these sleeping quarters and the available space per slave – after

all, the size of the sleeping quarters was defined by the size of the ship and the number of

slaves it carried. Moreover, information about the space for slaves on board WIC ships is

highly speculative. Nevertheless, we may assume that the slaves were packed together

very tightly, because transporting more slaves increased the chances of profit. M.A. van

Andel stated that the tussendek (’tweendeck) usually had a width and length of 7.5 metres

and a height of 1.5 metres and housed approximately 200 slaves, whereas the schans

(sconce), which slept 150 slaves, had a width and length of 5.5 metres and a height of 2

metres.22 Balai states that not much is known about the space per slave on Dutch slave

ships, but he describes the situation on board English and Danish ships. On average, male

slaves had a space of 180 by 40 cm, with a standing height of 170 centimetres. In order

to carry more slaves per ship, the sleeping quarters were split into two levels, reducing

the height per slave to roughly 70 cm. Slaves lived in this way for at least a month,

usually two, and in extreme cases for up to four months.23 However, sources for the WIC

regarding the interior of slave ships do not exist. Most historians (including Balai) use the

archives of the Middelburgsche Commercie Compagnie as a proxy.

The slave traders knew that they could not let the slaves stay in their quarters for the

entire duration of the journey. Temperatures in the tussendek and schans could reach 40°

C, which caused dehydration and made slaves more vulnerable to diseases. Additionally,

the slaves would often be sleeping in their own excrement as it was practically impossible

to reach a ‘toilet’ (which was usually just a barrel) when chained to another slave.

Sometimes, slaves would even be sleeping next to a dead body – if the slave they

were chained to had passed away during the night, it would not be discovered until the

next morning.24 Therefore, captains were instructed to ‘air out’ the slaves daily –

weather permitting. The slaves’ shackles were removed, and they had to wash themselves

with sea water and a mix of fresh water, lemon juice, brandy and palm oil. If their hair had

grown out, it would be shaven off again to prevent lice and fleas.25

## 来自ChatAI的消息:

夜晚，奴隶们有时会被铁链锁在船上，既与船上其他奴隶相互链接，也与船身相连。男性奴隶睡在甲板中层（tweendeck / tussendek）。19妇女和儿童与男性被分开，并睡在船的一侧（sconce / schans）。20这个地方也被称为hoerengat（妓女之处），这说明虽然船长和船员与女奴隶的性关系是严格禁止的，但却经常发生。21关于这些住宿区大小和每个奴隶可用空间的报告各不相同 - 毕竟，住宿区的大小由船的大小和搭载的奴隶数量来定义。此外，有关荷兰西印度公司船只上的奴隶空间的信息并不确切。不过，我们可以假设奴隶们被紧密挤在一起，因为多运送更多的奴隶增加了获利的机会。M.A. Van Andel称，‘tweendeck（甲板中层）的宽度和长度通常为7.5米，高度为1.5米，可容纳大约200名奴隶，而sconce（船的一侧）可睡150名奴隶，宽度和长度约为5.5米，高度为2米。22 Balai称，关于荷兰奴隶船上每个奴隶的空间并不清楚，但他描述了英国和丹麦船上的情况。男性奴隶平均拥有180 x 40厘米的空间，身高可达170厘米。为了每艘船能装载更多奴隶，住宿区分为两层，每个奴隶的空间高度减少到大约70厘米。奴隶通常以这种方式住了至少一个月，通常是两个月，极端情况下可长达四个月。23然而，关于奴隶船内部的WIC文件资料并不存在。大多数历史学家（包括Balai在内）使用Middelburg Commercie Compagnie的档案作为代理资料。

奴隶贩子们知道不能让奴隶在整个航程中呆在他们的住处。中层和船的一侧的温度可能会达到40℃，导致脱水并使奴隶更容易受到疾病的侵害。此外，奴隶们在被铁链锁住时几乎不可能到达“厕所”（通常只是一个桶），因此他们通常会在自己的排泄物中睡觉。有时，奴隶甚至会睡在一个死尸旁边 - 如果他们被链到的奴隶在夜晚去世，直到第二天早上才会发现。24因此，船长被指示每天“通风”奴隶 - 天气允许的情况下。奴隶的脚镣被解除，他们必须用海水和混合了淡水、柠檬汁、白兰地和棕榈油的液体清洗自己。如果他们的头发长长了，它将再次被剃光，以防止虱子和跳蚤。25

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In the meantime, the slaves’ quarters were rinsed with seawater and hot vinegar. In

addition, the sleeping quarters were smoked out using incense and jeneverbeziën

(juniper berries), or using a hot bullet placed in a pot with tar.26 This was done toremove the bad air, which was believed to cause disease, since the slaves’ sleeping quarters were badly ventilated, if at all. The tussendek was ventilated by two hatches: the

voorluik (hatch in the front) and the grootluik (big hatch), but these could only be

opened if the weather allowed. The schans was usually ventilated by four very small

port holes that allowed for little ventilation.27 In his Verrichtingen (1769), ship’s

surgeon David H. Gallandat lamented this lack of airflow, stating that there is nothing

worse for the health than bad air and that slave traders should make it a priority to

provide adequate ventilation. However, he also noted that these traders were preoccupied

with earning as much money as possible. Therefore, he thought it unlikely that they

would be willing to make the considerable investment required to refit the ships to

improve ventilation.28 Nonetheless, Gallandat’s treatise on the treatment of slaves on

board slave ships is based on his experience on slave ships from the Province of

Zeeland in the second half of the eighteenth century, not from the WIC ships that

stopped trading in enslaved Africans in the 1740s.

## 来自ChatAI的消息:

与此同时，奴隶的住所用海水和热醋冲洗。此外，睡眠区域也用香和杜松浆果或将热弹放入涂有焦油的锅中进行熏蒸。这样做是为了去除可以导致疾病的不良空气，因为奴隶的睡眠区域通风极差，甚至可以说没有通风。船上的中间甲板通过两个舱口进行通风：前舱口和大舱口，但只有在天气允许的情况下才能打开。要塞通常通过四个非常小的舷窗进行通风，通风效果非常有限。在他的《Verrichtingen》（1769）一书中，船医大卫·H·加兰达特对这种缺乏空气流通的情况感到遗憾，他表示糟糕的空气对健康影响最大，奴隶贩子应该优先提供充足的通风条件。然而，他还指出这些贩子的主要关注点是赚取尽可能多的钱。因此，他认为他们不太可能愿意投资巨大的费用来改造船只以提高通风效果。尽管如此，加兰达特关于奴隶船上待遇的著作是基于他在18世纪下半叶泽兰省的奴隶船上的经验，而不是WIC在1740年代停止贩卖非洲奴隶的船只上的经验。

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Preventive medicine

To further ensure the ‘cleanliness’ of the slaves’ quarters, the floors were scrubbed daily.

Usually, the crew assigned this task to the slaves. This practice reduced the risk of infectious diseases in two ways: the ship and the slaves’ sleeping quarters would be cleaned,

removing possible causes of infection, and the slaves would perform physical activities

such as cleaning and repairing the ship, which were believed to protect them from

falling ill,29 as the German poet Heinrich Heine wrote in his 1854 poem ‘Das

Sklavenschiff’: ‘Durch etwas Luft, Musik und Tanz Läßt sich die Krankheit heilen’.

30

Other forms of activity included singing and dancing – often songs in the slaves’

native languages. This was believed to improve both the physical and psychological wellbeing of the slaves, as surgeon Gallandat wrote in his ‘slavers’ guide’ Noodige verrichtingen voor de slaafhandelaren.

31 It indicates that he recognised and appreciated the psychological aspect of disease and health, in addition to the other, more physical, preventivemeasures.32 It is uncertain, however, to what extent musical activities were stimulated or

allowed and whether the dancing had its intended effect, as it was not uncommon for the

slaves to be forced to take part in this activity, threatened by the use of the ‘cat with the

nine tails’, a whip.33

Cleaning the sleeping quarters of the slaves, providing ventilation in the sleeping quarters, ‘airing out’ the slaves and forcing them to wash can all be described as measures

taken to prevent disease. In the ancient world, preventive medicine had been described

by – among others – Hippocrates of Kos (c. 460 to c. 370 BC) and Galen of

Pergamum (c. 129–216 AD), who both had a slightly different approach to the

concept of preventive measures. Hippocrates argued that the natural environment of an

organism could influence or threaten its health, focusing on the external causes of

disease. Contrarily, Galen put more emphasis on the lifestyle and other ‘non-natural’

causes of disease, such as food and drink, exercising and resting, sleeping and emotions,

including both external causes of disease and internal resistance to developing illness.34

## 来自ChatAI的消息:

预防医学

为了进一步确保奴隶住所的“清洁”，地板每天都要擦洗。通常，船员将这项任务分配给奴隶。这种做法通过两种方式减少传染病的风险：船舶和奴隶的睡眠区会被清洁，消除可能导致感染的原因，奴隶会进行清洁和修理船只等体力活动，据德国诗人海因里希·海涅在他的1854年诗歌《奴隶船》中写道：“通过一些空气，音乐和舞蹈，可以治愈疾病”。其他形式的活动包括歌唱和跳舞-通常是奴隶使用的母语歌曲。外科医生加兰达在他的《奴隶贸易向导》中写道，这被认为可以改善奴隶的身体和心理健康，这表明他认识到并赞赏了疾病和健康中的心理因素，除了其他更具体的预防措施之外。然而，很难确定音乐活动是否被鼓励或允许，以及跳舞是否产生了预期效果，因为奴隶被迫参与这种活动，并受到“九条尾巴”的鞭打威胁是很常见的。清洁奴隶的卧室，为卧室提供通风，使奴隶“通风”，并强迫他们洗澡，所有这些都可以看作是预防疾病的措施。在古代世界中，预防医学已经被描述为，包括科斯岛的希波克拉底（公元前460年至公元前370年）和佩加摩斯的伽莲（公元129-216年）在内的人物曾对预防措施的概念有过稍微不同的看法。希波克拉底认为一个有机体的自然环境可能会影响或威胁其健康，侧重于疾病的外部原因。相反，伽莲更加强调生活方式和其他“非自然”疾病的原因，例如饮食、锻炼和休息、睡眠和情绪，包括疾病的外部原因和对发展疾病的内部抵抗力。

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After a period of disinterest, preventive medicine enjoyed a resurgence as an academic

discipline in the sixteenth century. To a somewhat lesser extent, this resurgence carried

on into the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, translating into preventive measures.

Both Hippocrates’ and Galen’s views of preventive medicine can be seen in these preventive measures taken by slave traders. Treatment on board WIC ships was bad in comparison with that on board private slave ships in the second half of the eighteenth century

as slave mortality decreased after the 1740s.

Cleaning the environment of the slaves and smoking out the bad air is an example of

limiting exposure to a bad and unhealthy environment, as described by Hippocrates,

while forcing the slaves to wash themselves and perform physical activity was meant

to improve health and lift the slaves’ spirits, which are both ‘non-natural’ causes of

disease as described by Galen. In fact, most ‘non-natural’ causes described by Galen

were addressed by the preventive measures taken on board. For example, food was an

important factor for the health of both the slaves and the crew. Slaves received the

same meals as the crew, consisting mainly of beans and groats. This food was issued

twice per day. The beans and groats were mixed with bacon, pepper and palm oil to

make the meal slightly more appealing. Three times per week the slaves would receive

scheepsbeschuit (rusk; ships’ biscuit), together with some brandy and tobacco. AS

perhaps the most famous manifestation of disease prevention on board ships, freshfruit would be bought in Africa to combat scurvy, usually oranje-appelen (oranges) and

limes.35

This dietary addition was based on the findings of the British naval surgeon James

Lind. In 1747, he recorded in his experiments that lemons and limes helped to prevent

and cure scurvy. Six years later, in 1753, Lind published his findings in his Treatise of

the Scurvy. However, it took the Admiralty until 1795 to make the issue of lemon

juice on board compulsory. It is interesting to note that, despite the success of his experiments, Lind did not believe that scurvy was simply the result of a diet lacking fresh fruit.

He believed that, for any disease, multiple causes could be identified – and therefore, a

disease could have multiple cures as well. This opinion was not uncommon during the

eighteenth century. For example, other texts from the eighteenth century acknowledged

that lemons could prevent scurvy, but also suggested the use of vinegar, malt, tea and

sugar.36

## 来自ChatAI的消息:

预防医学在十六世纪作为一门学科经历了一段不感兴趣的时期后又复苏了起来。在十七和十八世纪，这种复苏在一定程度上延续下来，并转化为预防措施。奴隶贩子采取的预防措施可以看到希波克拉底和伽伦对预防医学的观点。与十八世纪下半叶私人奴隶船上的治疗相比，荷兰印度公司船上的治疗状况较差，随着1740年代后奴隶死亡率降低。

清理奴隶的环境和驱散有害气体是限制暴露在恶劣和不健康环境中的例子，这也是希波克拉底所描述的。迫使奴隶洗澡和进行体力活动旨在改善健康状况并提高奴隶的士气，这都是伽伦所描述的“非自然”疾病原因。事实上，船上采取的预防措施基本涵盖了伽伦所描述的大多数“非自然”疾病原因。例如，食物对奴隶和船员的健康都很重要。奴隶与船员吃相同的饭菜，主要由豆类和粗粮组成。这种食物每天发放两次。豆类和粗粮会与腌肉、胡椒和棕榈油混合在一起，使饭菜稍微有些吸引力。每周三次，奴隶会得到干饼干、一些白兰地和烟草。新鲜水果是船上最著名的疾病预防措施之一，通常是橙子和酸橙来对抗坏血病。

这种饮食补充品是基于英国海军外科医生詹姆斯·林德的发现。在1747年，他在实验中记录下柠檬和酸橙有助于预防和治愈坏血病。六年后的1753年，林德在他的《坏血病治疗法》中发表了他的发现。然而，英国海军直到1795年才强制在船上配发柠檬汁。有趣的是，尽管他的实验获得了成功，林德并不相信坏血病仅仅是饮食缺乏新鲜水果的结果。他相信，对于任何疾病，都可以找到多个原因，并且因此可以有多种治疗方法。这种观点在十八世纪并不罕见。例如，十八世纪的其他文献承认柠檬可以预防坏血病，但也建议使用醋、麦芽、茶和糖。

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The amount of protein and vitamins that the slaves received was not enough to keep

their bodies sufficiently healthy. Most of their meals consisted mainly of carbohydrates.

The reason for this was quite simple: beans and groats could be stored rather easily, while

meat and other fresh food perished quickly. The slave traders did try to prevent the food

from rotting. Gallandat wrote in his Noodige verrichtingen that the barrels used to store

the food had to be treated with sulphur fumes to prevent them from getting infested with

insects.37 Nonetheless, the food would spoil if the journey took longer than expected. In

case of delay, the slaves and crew were put on rationing, which caused mortality to rise.

Controlling the quality of food was not the only problem. Dutch water was of relatively good quality, and it could last the slavers for at least their journey to Africa.

Eventually, however, it would turn bad and the slavers had to use water collected in

Africa. This water was often contaminated with insects, parasites and bacteria: it

caused fevers, dysentery and Guinea-worm infections. Ideally, the water would be

boiled before use to kill possible sources of infection, but boiling water daily for all

the slaves and crew was simply not feasible. Instead, drops of vitriol, sulphur or

vinegar were added to the water.38 Bacteria and other microbiota in the water supply

were not the only threat. Gallandat acknowledged that rats and mice posed a problem

as they brought diseases and recommended that cats be taken on every journey.39

## 来自ChatAI的消息:

奴隶们所摄取的蛋白质和维生素量不足以维持他们的身体健康。他们的大部分饮食主要由碳水化合物构成。原因相当简单：豆子和杂粮可以相对容易地保存，而肉类和其他新鲜食物很快会腐烂。奴隶贩子们试图防止食物腐烂。Gallandat 在他的《Noodige verrichtingen》中写道，用来储存食物的桶必须用硫磺烟熏处理，以防止感染昆虫。然而，食物如果旅程超出预期就会变质。在延误的情况下，奴隶和船员被限制口粮，导致死亡率上升。控制食物质量并不是唯一的问题。荷兰的水质相对较好，可以至少供裁奴者在前往非洲的旅程中使用。然而，最终水质会变坏，裁奴者不得不使用在非洲收集的水。这些水通常被昆虫、寄生虫和细菌污染：它引发发热、痢疾和几内亚蠕虫感染。理想情况下，水应在使用前煮沸，以杀死潜在的感染源，但是为了奴隶和船员每天煮沸水并不可行。相反，会往水中加入少量硫酸、硫磺或醋。水供应中的细菌和其他微生物不是唯一的威胁。Gallandat 承认，老鼠成为了问题，因为它们会传播疾病，并建议每次航行都带上猫。

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The capacity of the ship limited the amount of water that could be brought on the

journey, so slaves were given carefully measured amounts of water during the day,which ammounted to roughly 1.5 litres of water per person per day. This was only half of

the 3 litres that one should drink in the tropical climates of Africa and the Western

Colonies in order to avoid dehydration. Because of the lack of water, slaves became

more susceptible to diseases: their tongues swelled up and their eyes became sunken.

The surgeon on board usually interpreted this as an ‘inborn melancholy’ and treated it

with purging medication – a treatment that did more harm than good.40

## 来自ChatAI的消息:

船只的容量限制了可以带上船的水量，因此奴隶在航行期间只被给予精确计量的水量，每人每天大约1.5升。这只相当于在非洲和西部殖民地的热带气候中人们应该饮用的3升水的一半，以避免脱水。由于缺水，奴隶更容易患病：他们的舌头肿胀，眼睛凹陷。船上的外科医生通常将这解释为“天生的忧郁”，并使用泻药治疗，这种治疗更多地造成了伤害而非益处。40

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At this point, it is important to note that even though these rules existed, and the

slavers worked to keep the slaves relatively healthy, the slaves were never extended

any courtesy out of love or respect. Dutch slavers did not consider slaves as human

beings, despite their remarks that they did not treat their slaves worse than the

Portuguese, English and French treated theirs, and that their ships were cleaner than

their competitors’ ships.41 They saw them as cargo, as armazoen, which would earn

them money, and it was in their own best interest to keep them healthy and alive, as a

guarantee for a greater return on their initial investment. Postma states that buying a

slave in Africa in the eighteenth century would cost a slaver roughly 130 guilders,

whereas in the Americas a slave would sell for 300 guilders. This was a sufficient incentive to try to keep as many slaves alive as possible.42 However, the prices of buying and

selling slaves fluctuated in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

## 来自ChatAI的消息:

在这一点上，重要的是要注意，尽管存在这些规则，并且奴隶主努力使奴隶保持相对健康，但他们从未出于爱或尊重而为奴隶提供任何礼遇。荷兰奴隶主并没有把奴隶视为人类，尽管他们表示自己并没有像葡萄牙人、英国人和法国人那样虐待奴隶，他们的船只比竞争对手的船只更干净。他们把奴隶视为货物，Armazoen，这将为他们赚钱，而且保持奴隶的健康和生命对他们自身有利，因为这将保证他们对最初的投资获得更大的回报。Postma指出，18世纪在非洲购买一名奴隶大约需要花费奴隶主130光氏，而在美洲，一名奴隶能卖到300光氏。这足够鼓励奴隶主尽可能地保存更多的奴隶的生命。然而，在17和18世纪，购买和销售奴隶的价格是波动的。

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Keeping this in mind, it should come as no surprise that the surgeon was one of the

highest-paid people on board. Earning between 28 and 36 guilders per month, he came

second only to the captain, who earned 50–60 guilders per month,43 and the pastor,

who was not only the religious ‘helmsman’, but also the moral compass on board.44

The salaries of the captain and the pastor were almost equal, although the captain had

more opportunities to acquire a substantial extra income

## 来自ChatAI的消息:

考虑到这一点，外科医生成为船上报酬最高的人之一并不足为奇。他每月的收入在28至36个荷兰盾之间，仅次于船长，船长每月收入为50至60个荷兰盾43，而牧师则不仅是宗教上的“舵手”，也是道德上的指南针。44船长和牧师的薪水几乎相等，尽管船长有更多机会获得可观的额外收入。

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Curative medicine

Reports on mortality rates of slaves on board of WIC ships differ but range from 12 to

19%. Counter-intuitive as it may seem, the communis opinio is that a higher number

of slaves on a ship does not translate into higher mortality rates. A longer duration of

the voyage, however, does seem to correlate with a higher mortality, mainly becauseof a lack of food near the end of the journey. A total overview of ships, deaths and death

percentages based on Postma’s findings can be found in Table 1.46

An average mortality rate of 16% is higher than the mortality of free sailors on the

Dutch or United East India Company (in Dutch: Vereenigde Oostindische

Compagnie, VOC) ships – it has been calculated that between 1620 and 1780 mortality

rates amongst crew arriving in Asia ranged from 6.2 to 16.8% with an average of 10.3% –

but one must keep in mind that VOC voyages usually took three times longer than WIC

voyages, so it seems safe to state that the mortality per month was higher for slaves.47

According to several authors, among others Emmer and Postma, this relatively high mortality rate could partially be attributed to inexperienced slavers. Preferring a smaller, more

experienced crew over a larger, incompetent one implied raising sailors’ wages to attract a

better and more experienced labour force. In addition, Muller and Haaf suggest screeningcandidate sailors for general health and motivation, using orphans who were more accustomed to a poor, unvaried diet – and even using old VOC ships to slowly accustom the

sailors-to-be to the conditions on board before they departed.48 These preventive measures could, in theory, also be used for slaves. As mentioned above, the screening of possible slaves did occur, but other measures such as getting them slowly accustomed to

seafaring were probably too time consuming to implement.

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医疗

关于荷兰西印度公司(WIC)船上奴隶死亡率的报告各有不同，范围在12%至19%之间。尽管这看起来与直觉相悖，但公众舆论认为船上奴隶数量的增加并不意味着更高的死亡率。然而，航程的延长似乎与更高的死亡率相关，主要是因为旅途结束时食物短缺。根据Postma的研究结果，可以在表1.46中找到有关船舶、死亡人数和死亡率的完整概述。

平均死亡率为16%，高于荷兰或东印度公司（荷兰语：Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie，VOC）船上自由水手的死亡率。据计算，1620年至1780年抵达亚洲的船员死亡率在6.2%至16.8%之间，平均为10.3%。但必须记住，VOC的航程通常是WIC航程的三倍长，因此可以说奴隶的每月死亡率更高。

根据多位作者的说法，包括Emmer和Postma，在不经验丰富的贩奴商的存在下，这种相对较高的死亡率部分归因于贩奴商的不经验。与庞大但无能的船员相比，更倾向于较小但经验丰富的组员意味着要提高水手的工资，以吸引更优秀和经验丰富的劳动力。此外，Muller和Haaf还建议筛选候选水手的整体健康状况和动力，使用对贫困、单一饮食更习惯的孤儿，甚至使用旧的VOC船只，在启程前逐渐使未来的水手们适应船上的环境。理论上讲，这些预防措施也可以用于奴隶身上。如上所述，筛选潜在奴隶的措施确实存在，但其他措施，如让他们逐渐适应航海生活，可能需要耗费太多时间来实施。

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It is interesting to examine the possible causes of death of slaves on board WIC ships,

alongside presenting and interpreting harsh, matter-of-fact mortality figures. These

causes of death include diseases that are very typical for sailors, such as dysentery, but

also indigenous diseases that the slaves or crew brought on board. Postma collected

records of death causes among slaves from 42 different voyages. A summary of these

records can be found in Table 1.49

The accuracy of this list should be examined critically. When it came to infectious diseases, ship surgeons in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were ignorant at best and

thoroughly misinformed at worst. They had been trained to deal with trauma, such as

ulcers, amputations and wounds, and much less with vague symptoms such as lethargy,

diarrhoea and fever, and they often did more harm than good. In fact, Gallandat criticised

the ignorance amongst Dutch surgeons, lamenting the disinterest his peers showed in the

publications of physicians such as Salomon de Monchy.50

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研究荷兰印度公司船上奴隶死因的可能原因很有趣，同时呈现和解释严酷、事实性的死亡数字。这些死因包括对海员而言非常典型的病症，如痢疾，还包括奴隶或船员带上船的本土疾病。Postma收集了42次不同航程中奴隶死因的记录。这些记录的摘要可以在表1.49中找到。

这个列表的准确性应该进行批判性检查。在17世纪和18世纪，船上的外科医生对于传染病来说，最好的情况是无知，最糟的情况是完全误导。他们接受的培训是处理创伤，如溃疡、截肢和伤口，对于诸如昏睡、腹泻和发热等模糊的症状，他们的了解要少得多，他们往往弊多于利。事实上，Gallandat批评了荷兰外科医生的无知，他哀叹同行对于像Salomon de Monchy这样的医生的著作缺乏兴趣。

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Regardless of Gallandat’s criticism, there is no doubt that dysentery (loop or rode

loop), a type of gastroenteritis characterised by the occurrence of diarrhoea, which

could be mixed with blood, was an important cause of death among slaves. Despite

attempts to separate sick slaves from healthy ones, dysentery had a tendency to spread

quickly. This, of course, affected both slaves and crew, resulting in 1,200 deaths in 42

journeys. Figure 4 shows an excerpt from the journal of Petrus Couperus, surgeon on

board the slaving ship Eenigheyt, who diagnosed a slave with buikloop (diarrhoea).51The above-mentioned percentage of Postma connects with the database of https://

www.slavevoyages.org in Table 2. The average percentage of slaves embarked who

died, so the overall death rate, during voyages was 12.2%.52

Couperus left behind a list of recipes to treat several diseases, not only

dysentery, based on reports about the type of sickness of the crew and of slaves. His

list included 27 recipes for the crew and 14 for slaves. Schoute’s article includes some

of these recipes, used in an unsuccessful attempt to save the live of the slave who had

turned ill. He prescribed a vometyf (purging medication), the ipecacuanha plant. Next,

he prescribed laxation medication, using recipe 20: a mix of rhubarb and nutmeg.

These recipes did not stop the diarrhoea, and Couperus prescribed a conditium (a

syrup), consisting of rosehip, fragastorius (an opiate), copaivae balm, deer antlers,

snake blood, laudanum and peppermint oil. Initially, the treatment had an effect – the

diarrhoea stopped. When the symptoms returned, Couperus prescribed a mix of poppy

syrup, lobster eyes, snake blood and laudanum – to no avail, as the patient did not

survive. To a modern physician, this comes as no surprise, as none of these remedies targeted the cause of the disease – the microbial infection of the intestines. In the eighteenth

century, it was not known what caused the disease and surgeons simply tried to fight the

symptoms, which severely diminished the probability of survival.53

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尽管加兰达特的批评，毫无疑问，痢疾（环状或回环状），一种以腹泻发作为特征的胃肠炎，其可与血混合，是奴隶死亡的重要原因之一。尽管试图将病人与健康的奴隶分离，但痢疾往往会迅速传播。这当然影响到奴隶和船员，导致42次航程中有1200人死亡。图4展示了奴隶船Eenigheyt上的外科医生彼得鲍尔斯的日记摘录，他诊断了一个患有腹泻（buikloop）的奴隶。51前面提到的Postma的百分比与https://www.slavevoyages.org的数据库在表2中连接起来。登船的奴隶的平均死亡率，即整体死亡率，为12.2%。52

鲍尔斯留下了一份治疗几种疾病的处方清单，不仅包括痢疾，还包括船员和奴隶的疾病报告。他的清单包括27个用于船员的配方和14个用于奴隶的配方。舒特的文章包括其中一些配方，用于试图挽救生病的奴隶的生命，但未成功。他开了一种催吐药（ipecacuanha plant），即呕吐剂。接下来，他开了一种通便药，使用第20条配方：大黄和肉豆蔻的混合物。这些配方没有停止腹泻，鲍尔斯开了一种叫做conditium（一种糖浆），由玫瑰果、fragastorius（一种类鸦片剂）、copaivae藤膏、鹿角、蛇血、罗汉次和薄荷油组成。最初，治疗有效，腹泻停止了。当症状复发时，鲍尔斯开了一种由罂粟糖浆、龙虾眼、蛇血和罗汉次混合而成的药物，但没有效果，因为病人没有幸存下来。对于现代医生来说，这并不奇怪，因为这些疗法都没有针对疾病的原因——肠道的微生物感染。在18世纪，人们并不知道这种疾病的原因，外科医生只是尽力抗击症状，这严重降低了存活的可能性。53

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When the cause of a disease was known, however, the surgeons did move from a

symptomatic to a curative treatment, indicating that they were not fixated on the symptoms alone. For example, as a lack of fruits such as limes and lemons was thought to

be at least one cause of scurvy, these were used to prevent and cure the notorious nautical

disease.

Besides well-known ‘nautical’ diseases such as diarrhoea and scurvy, the slaves also

suffered from diseases indigenous to the African continent and therefore completely

unknown to the European slavers. For these indigenous diseases, Gallandat recommended that surgeons turned to indigenous cures, stating that he recognised the merit

of African medicine and that the Dutch owed it to the ‘illiterate and barbarian gentiles’

to apply the medical knowledge.

Two examples of these indigenous maladies will be discussed here: the Guinea worm,

and a disease known as koortskoek. As the name implies, the Guinea worm is a parasite –

Dranunculus medinesis, a roundworm that can grow up to 80 cm in length.54 It posed a

problem for the slavers both on board the slaving ships and in the colonies themselves.

Larvae of the parasite could be found in fresh water taken from the western coast of

Africa, from which the worm derives its name. After ingestion, the larvae of the

Guinea worm make their way through the intestine wall and mature into adult worms.

Male worms die in the host, while female worms migrate to subcutaneous tissue. At

the end of their life cycle, Guinea worms cause a blister on the skin, and eventually

emerge from the skin to get back to the water. Symptoms of an infection with these parasites include severe muscle pains and a blister on the skin of the lower extremities,followed by the eruption of the worm through the skin. The only treatment is removal of

the worm, when found.55

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当疾病的原因被发现后，外科医生开始从症状性治疗转向治愈性治疗，这表明他们并不仅仅专注于症状。例如，由于认为缺乏水果，如酸橙和柠檬，是坏血病的原因之一，因此使用这些水果来预防和治愈这种臭名昭著的航海病。

除了众所周知的“航海”疾病，如腹泻和坏血病，奴隶们还患有非洲大陆特有的、对于欧洲奴隶主来说完全未知的疾病。对于这些土著病症，加兰达建议外科医生求助于土著疗法，并表示他认识到非洲医学的价值，并且荷兰人应该将这一医学知识应用于“文盲和野蛮的外邦人”。

这里将讨论两个例子：几内亚蠕虫和一种名为“koortskoek”的疾病。正如名称所示，几内亚蠕虫是一种寄生虫——几内亚蠕虫属，一种可以长到80厘米长的圆线虫。它不仅给奴隶船上带来问题，也给殖民地带来问题。寄生虫的幼虫可以在从非洲西海岸获取的淡水中发现，因此该寄生虫得名。摄入寄生虫幼虫后，它们会穿过肠壁并发育成成虫。雄性虫在寄主体内死亡，而雌性虫则迁移到皮下组织。在它们的生命周期结束时，几内亚蠕虫会在皮肤上形成一个水泡，最终从皮肤中出来返回水中。感染这些寄生虫的症状包括严重的肌肉疼痛和下肢皮肤上的水泡，随后寄生虫从皮肤中钻出。唯一的治疗方法是将发现的寄生虫进行摘除。55

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ith different descriptions of the symptoms. Often it is described as periodic fever,

jaundice, fatigue and a hardened and enlarged spleen. This is a combination of symptoms that is very reminiscent of the disease we now call malaria, which is indigenous to

Africa. However, it has also been described by European colonists in the Western

Colonies. In this case, the main symptoms were hardening of the liver and jaundice.

It could very well be that these descriptions are actually descriptions of two different

diseases, namely malaria and liver cirrhosis – as life in the colonies was not always the

prime example of the allegedly sober Reformed lifestyle.56 Similar to the treatment of

dysentery, the treatment of koortskoek only focused on the fevers, not the underlying

cause. Couperus treated a febrile slave with a laxantium and a so-called pulvis antefebrilis: a mixture of lobster eyes, corallum rubum, burned deer horn, antimonium, saltpetre, saffron and nutmeg oil. It is unknown whether this slave suffered from

koortskoek or another disease, but the treatment did not work – the slave did not

survive.57

Overall, medical care for slaves on board was fairly acceptable when one considers

the (lack of) knowledge about causes and cures of diseases, although Gallandat stated

that part of this ignorance could be attributed to the unwillingness of surgeons to

consult updated literature. As discussed above, several preventive measures were

taken to prevent slaves from falling ill. In addition to these preventive measures, surgeons were instructed to visit the slaves every day to assess their health and administer treatment if necessary. If there was no surgeon on board, this responsibility

fell to the captain.

From the journal of Couperus, we can infer that there were 27 different recipes available for the crew and 14 for the slaves, although Couperus used all recipes for the slaves.

It is unknown whether other surgeons did this as well, but at least Couperus did what he

could when treating slaves. He did not cure all of them, but often he was simply too ignorant of the diseases that he dealt with. As discussed above, this does not mean that he cared

for the slaves or felt sympathy for them. It simply means that he was doing his job. The

WIC needed the slaves healthy and alive when they set foot on the coast of Brazil,

Suriname, Guyana or the Dutch Antilles, so that they could see a return on their initial

investment.

## 来自ChatAI的消息:

不同描述的症状有所不同。通常被描述为周期性发烧、黄疸、疲劳和脾脏增大和硬化。这些症状组合非常类似于我们现在所称的疟疾，这种疾病起源于非洲。然而，它也被欧洲殖民者在西方殖民地中描述过。在这种情况下，主要症状是肝硬化和黄疸。很可能这些描述实际上是对两种不同疾病的描述，即疟疾和肝硬化 - 因为在殖民地生活并不总是那种所谓冷静的改革生活方式的典范。治疗疟疾只关注发热，不关注潜在原因，与治疗痢疾类似。Couperus用泻剂和所谓的抗热粉治疗一个发热的奴隶，该抗热粉的成分包括龙虾眼睛、红珊瑚、烧制鹿角、锑、硝石、藏红花和肉豆蔻油。目前还不知道这个奴隶是否患有疟疾或其他疾病，但治疗并没有奏效 - 奴隶没有存活下来。总体而言，在考虑到对疾病原因和治疗缺乏了解的情况下，船上对奴隶的医疗护理是相当可接受的，尽管Gallandat表示，这种无知的一部分可以归因于外科医生不愿查阅更新的文献。如上所述，采取了一些预防措施来防止奴隶生病。除了这些预防措施外，外科医生还被指示每天去看望奴隶，评估他们的健康状况并在必要时提供治疗。如果船上没有外科医生，这一责任则落到船长身上。根据Couperus的日记，我们可以推断出船员有27种不同的配方可用，奴隶有14种，尽管Couperus把所有配方都用于奴隶。目前还不知道其他外科医生是否也这样做，但至少Couperus在治疗奴隶时尽了自己的努力。他不能治愈所有人，但通常他对自己所处理的疾病过于无知。如上所述，这并不意味着他关心奴隶或对他们表示同情。这只是意味着他在尽他的职责。WIC希望奴隶在抵达巴西海岸、苏里南、圭亚那或荷兰安的列斯群岛时健康活着，以便他们能从最初的投资中获得回报。