拜占庭军队的招募与征兵 C. 550-950（3）
出版商：1979年维也纳奥地利科学院出版 作者：神尾智代 https://www.bilibili.com/read/cv14004238 出处：bilibili
作者：John·F· Haldon 约翰·F·哈尔顿
出版商：1979年维也纳奥地利科学院出版
接上
Stein based his argument in favour of some form of conscription on three main points: the disappearance of the adaeratio (the aurum tironicum) for the compulsory levy; the reference to soldiers enlisted έκ κ αταλ ό γο υ in Evagrius; and a passage in the Strategikon imposing archery practice on all Roman ν εό τερ ο ι, up to the age of forty.16 Stein read the term neöteros as youth. Thus the passage meant that all young Romans must practice with the bow, in other words that all young Romans were likely to be enlisted. But the term refers to recruits rather than young men, for the Strategikon usually uses the term ν εαν ίσ κ ο ς or ν έο ς for young man. Since neöteroi can in any case be up to forty years of age, it is clear that the latter age is the upward limit for admission to the ranks as a recruit.
斯坦因支持某种形式的征兵基于以下三个要点： 提到在伊瓦格里乌斯征募的士兵 έκ κ αταλ ό γο υ； 以及 Strategikon 中的一段话，对所有罗马人 νεότεροι 强加射箭练习，直到 40 岁。 斯坦因在年轻时阅读了 neöteros 一词。 因此，这段话意味着所有年轻的罗马人都必须练习弓箭，换句话说，所有的年轻罗马人都有可能入伍。 但是这个词指的是新兵而不是年轻人，因为战略家通常使用 νεανίσκος 或 νέος 来表示年轻人。 由于 neöteroi 在任何情况下都可以达到 40 岁，很明显，后一个年龄是作为新兵进入行列的上限。
With regard to the phrase ek katalogou, this is the normal term for describing soldiers already enlisted and on the military roll. The same phrase occurs frequently in Procopius, and similar phrases are used by Procopius and other writers to describe enlisted men. It would not normally imply a list of those liable to conscription except where the limitanei were concerned, and would in this case refer to those subject to a hereditary obligation. This may in fact be the case here, since the soldiers addressed by the Patriarch Gregory in the text were predominantly limitanei. In its context, the phrase means simply those who were enlisted as limitanei, or possibly those who were called out from the limitanei into the field army of Philippicus.
关于 ek katalogou 这个短语，这是描述已经入伍和在军名册上的士兵的正常术语。 同样的短语经常出现在 Procopius 中，Procopius 和其他作家使用类似的短语来描述应征入伍的人。 除非涉及到限制，否则它通常不会暗示可以征兵的名单，并且在这种情况下指的是那些受制于世袭义务的人。 这实际上可能就是这种情况，因为族长格雷戈里在文本中提到的士兵主要是有限的。 在上下文中，该短语仅指那些被征募为limitanei 的人，或者可能是那些从limitanei 中被召入腓立比的野战军队的人。
There is thus no substantial evidence to support the view that a form of conscription was applied. Indeed, the disappearance of the adaeratio suggests that the levy of recruits once imposed upon estates and communities, far from being re-introduced, had been completely abandoned. No references to the conscription occur, and it would be strange to find a government able to impose its will to the extent that no exemptions were’granted or reported in any source.19 The two missing novellae oi Tiberius, which Stein and Karayannopoulos suggest may have dealt with this matter, can hardly be used to support their argument. They may just as probably have dealt with the organisation of the new regiments formed by Tiberius from his barbarian recruits.
因此，没有实质性证据支持采用征兵形式的观点。 事实上，adaeratio 的消失表明，曾经强加于庄园和社区的新兵征费远未重新引入，已被完全放弃。 没有提到征兵，如果政府能够将自己的意愿强加于任何来源的任何豁免或报告，这将是很奇怪的。 19 斯坦和卡拉扬诺普洛斯建议的两部失踪的中篇小说《提比略》可能 已经处理过这件事情，几乎不能用来支持他们的论点。 他们可能已经处理了提比略从他的野蛮新兵中组建的新团的组织问题。
In this connection, Stein also stresses the reduction in foreign recruiting after the reign of Tiberius, and suggests that this also may have forced the government to reconsider conscription. But what evidence there is suggests rather that while the government relied increasingly on recruits from warlike peoples within the empire, it had no difficulty in filling the ranks. That Maurice refers in his Strategikon to a whole division of Illyrians supports this. The difficulty in providing recruits to send to Italy illustrates not a shortage of recruits, but a shortage of available soldiers whom the f emperor could send — in other words, a shortage of cash. A similar situation prevailed at times during Belisarius’ Italian campaigns, although this was not the result of a lack of recruits. As Stein himself points out, the sudden dependence on citizens and allies led the state to rely especially on Armenians, who during the reign of Maurice, and especially of Heraclius, came to play an increasingly significant role, both militarily and politically.
就此，斯坦因还强调提比略统治后外国招募的减少，并暗示这也可能迫使政府重新考虑征兵。 但有什么证据表明，虽然政府越来越依赖帝国内好战民族的新兵，但它在填补这一队伍方面没有任何困难。 莫里斯在他的 Strategikon 中提到伊利里亚人的整个部门支持这一点。 提供新兵派往意大利的困难说明不是新兵短缺，而是皇帝可以派遣的可用士兵短缺——换言之，现金短缺。 在贝利萨留的意大利战役期间，类似的情况有时也盛行，尽管这不是缺乏新兵的结果。 正如斯坦因本人所指出的那样，对公民和盟友的突然依赖导致国家特别依赖亚美尼亚人，他们在莫里斯，尤其是赫拉克略统治期间，在军事和政治上发挥了越来越重要的作用。
Karayannopoulos, in his attempt to show that Justinian would not have hesitated to re-introduce conscription where necessary — “bien que les nombreux «κ ατά λ ο γο ι», les nombreux corps «nationaux», la mention des soldats «ά ρ τι έκ τή ς γεω ρ γίας εις τά π ο λ εμικ ά έρ γα μετασ τά ν τω ν » (= Procope, BP. I. 18 [97.19]), la permission accordee aux esclaves de pouvoir s’engager dans 1’armee (= C.J. 12.33.7—a.531) prouve que Justinien devant un tel besom de soldats, n’aurait pas hesite a appliquer un recrutement obliga- toire, toutes les fois que le recrutement volontaire ne pouvait re- pondre aux besoins de 1’etat”21 shows in fact that Justinian (or his subordinates) took fairly extreme measures to avoid re-introducing conscription. Allowing slaves to join up, for example, was strictly precluded in both the Codex Theodosianus and the Codex lusti- nianus,22 but had occurred once or twice during emergencies, such as during the revolt of Gildo in 397 or the invasion of Radagaisus in 406.23 Justinian’s adoption of such a measure illustrates the lengths to which he went in order to avoid a conscription of free citizens, as do Maurice’s efforts to enlist Armenians and indeed to establish colonies of Armenian soldiers.
rayannopoulos 试图表明查士丁尼会毫不犹豫地在必要时重新引入征兵制度——“尽管许多“κατάλογοι”，许多“国家”军团，提到了士兵 έκτής γεω ρ γίας εις τά π ο λ εμικ ά έρ γα μετασ τά ν τω ν ”（= Procope, BP. I. 18 [97.19]），授予奴隶能够入伍的许可（= 3 CJ.7 — a.531) 证明查士丁尼面对如此庞大的士兵，会毫不犹豫地申请强制招募，只要自愿招募不能满足 1'. etat ” 的需要，事实上查士丁尼（或他的下属）采取了相当极端的措施，以避免重新引入征兵制度。 例如，Theodosianus 法典和 Lustinianus 法典 都严格禁止允许奴隶加入，但在紧急情况下发生过一两次，例如 397 年吉尔多起义或 406.入侵 Radagaisus 期间查士丁尼采取这种措施说明了他为避免征兵自由公民所做的努力，莫里斯招募亚美尼亚人并实际上建立亚美尼亚士兵殖民地的努力也是如此。
As for the three other examples, the presence of κ ατά λ ο γο ι and national corps has nothing whatsoever to do with conscription, and the third is surely an exception. Those “newly recruited from the agricultural life”, if not free men attracted by bounties, were presumably coloni surrendered under extreme conditions, or press- ganged, a form of conscription certainly, but of a temporary nature only. This is probably the explanation behind the presence of scribones in Sicily referred to in note 5 above. The same applies to the point made by Karayannopoulos with reference to the care to be taken by a magister utriusque militiae not to permit the enrolment of coloni or saltuenses, either voluntarily or against their will. Karayannopoulos assumes that this must refer to conscription. But it surely applies to the press-ganging of such men, an activity carried on by recruiting parties at all times; or to their running away from their estates to join the army.
至于其他三个例子，κ ατά λ ο γο ι 和国家军团的存在与征兵无关，第三个当然是个例外。 那些“从农业生活中新招募的人”，如果不是被赏金吸引的自由人，大概是在极端条件下投降的，或者是迫于压力的，这当然是一种征兵形式，但只是暂时的。 这可能就是上文注释 5 中提到的西西里岛存在抄写员背后的解释。 这同样适用于 Karayannopoulos 提出的观点，即 utriusque 民兵教官应注意不允许 coloni 或 saltuenses 加入，无论是自愿的还是违背他们的意愿。 Karayannopoulos 认为这必须指征兵。 但它肯定适用于这些人的新闻联手，这是招募方一直在进行的活动； 或者他们逃离他们的庄园去参军。
In -view of this accumulation of evidence, the view that widespread conscription was maintained or re-introduced on a permanent basis during the sixth century must, I think, be abandoned. Recruitment under Maurice and the emperors before him was voluntary. Regular field units were filled either from the local populace, if on garrison duty; or through the enlistment of citizens, barbarians and especially warlike peoples within the empire, attracted by generous cash bounties. When the cash ran out, then soldiers could not be hired, as the difficulties of maintaining the Italian forces demonstrate. The limitanei were kept up to strength by the enlistment of locals and by the retention of the hereditary obligation of soldiers’ sons to serve.
鉴于这些证据的积累，我认为必须放弃广泛征兵的观点在六世纪得以永久维持或重新引入。 莫里斯和他之前的皇帝的招募是自愿的。 如果执行驻军任务，则由当地民众填补正规的野战部队； 或者通过在帝国内招募公民、野蛮人和特别好战的人民，被慷慨的现金奖励所吸引。 当现金用完时，就无法雇用士兵，正如维持意大利军队的困难所证明的那样。 通过招募当地人和保留士兵的儿子的世袭义务，使limitanei不断壮大。
With the reign of Heraclius, however, we enter a period of Byzantine history which remains one of the most inaccessible and obscure. Heraclius has been credited with far-reaching reforms of the state administration, not the least of which concerns the army and the recruitment of soldiers. He has been supposed by some to have been the founder of the later “theme system”, a view most persistently defended by the late professor Ostrogorsky, and just as persistently attacked, on a wide variety of grounds, by a number of other historians. Since the problems still remain, even though the once generally accepted theory of a Heraclian reform is no longer popular, the evidence will again be reviewed, with the emphasis on Heraclius’ supposed military reforms.
然而，随着赫拉克利乌斯的统治，我们进入了拜占庭历史时期，该时期仍然是最难以接近和晦涩的时期之一。 赫拉克略因对国家行政机构进行了深远的改革而受到赞誉，其中最重要的是涉及军队和士兵的招募。 一些人认为他是后来“主题系统”的创始人，已故教授奥斯特罗戈尔斯基最坚定地捍卫这一观点，并且同样受到许多其他历史学家以各种理由不断攻击。 由于问题仍然存在，即使曾经普遍接受的赫拉克利斯改革理论不再流行，这些证据将再次被审查，重点是赫拉克利乌斯所谓的军事改革。
未完待续
