Byzantium at War AD 600-1453（战争中的拜占庭：公元600-1453年）（15）
作者：John Haldon约翰·哈尔顿
出版商：Routledge Taylor & Francis Group
自翻：神尾智代
The world around：war War and peace
围绕战争的世界：战争与和平
The medieval eastern Roman world was a society in which the virtues of peace were extolled and war was condemned. Fighting was to be avoided at all costs. Yet the Byzantine empire nevertheless inherited the military administrative structures and, in many ways, the militaristic ideology of the non-Christian Roman empire at its height.
the tensions which these traditions generated were resolved by a politicalreligious ideology or world view which melded Christian ideals on the one hand, with the justification of war as a necessary evil on the other, waged primarily in defence of the Roman world and Orthodoxy literally, correct belief. From the 4th and 5th centuries on in the eastern Mediterranean and Balkan regions this blending of ideas generated a unique culture, that could adhere unreservedly to a pacifistic ideal, yet on the same grounds could legitimate and justify the maintenance of an efficient and effective military apparatus.
中世纪的东罗马世界是一个崇尚和平、谴责战争的社会。不惜一切代价避免战斗。然而，拜占庭帝国仍然继承了军事行政结构，并在许多方面继承了非基督教罗马帝国鼎盛时期的军国主义意识形态。这些传统所产生的紧张局势被政治宗教意识形态或世界观所解决，这种意识形态一方面融合了基督教理想，另一方面将战争作为必要的罪恶进行了辩护，主要是为了捍卫罗马世界和正统教义，正确的信念。从 4 世纪和 5 世纪起，在地中海东部和巴尔干地区，这种思想的融合产生了一种独特的文化，可以毫无保留地坚持和平理想，但在同样的基础上，可以合法化并证明维持高效和有效的军事机构是合理的 .
This attitude is neatly summed up in the introduction to a legal codification promulgated by the emperors Leo Ill and Constantine V in the year 741:
（这种看法在 741 年利奥四世和君士坦丁五世颁布的法律编纂的介绍中得到了简洁的概括：）
Since God has pot in our hands the imperial authority ... we believe that there is nothing higher or greater that we can do than to govern in judgement and justice ... and that thus we may be crowned by His almighty hand with victory over our enemies (which is a thing more precious and honourable than the diadem which we wear) mid thus there may be peace ...
（既然上帝在我们手中掌握着帝国的权威……我们相信我们能做的没有什么比在审判和正义中统治更高或更伟大……因此我们可以被他全能的手加冕，战胜 我们的敌人（这比我们所戴的王冠更珍贵、更光荣），因此可能会有和平......）
Byzantine emperors could justify their wars on the basis that they were fighting to preserve peace, to extend the territory of the Christian world, and to defend God's Chosen People - for in Christian Roman terms, the mantle of the Chosen People had been transferred to the Christians with the coming of Christ, There was always a tension between the pacifism of early Christianity, however, and the imperial Roman, but Christian, need to fight to defend the empire's territorial integrity, or to recover 'lost' Christian lands and peoples. Christianity never evolved an ideological obligation to wage war against 'infidels' presented in the terms of Christian theology, even if, at times, and on an ad hoc basis, individuals have spoken and acted as though such a justification could be made. The 13th canon of St Basil specifically states that those who took life in warfare should abstain from communion for a period.
（拜占庭皇帝可以以他们为维护和平、扩大基督教世界的领土和保卫上帝的选民而战为由来为他们的战争辩护——因为在基督教罗马术语中，选民的衣钵已经转移到基督徒随着基督的到来，然而，早期基督教的和平主义与罗马帝国之间始终存在紧张关系，但基督教徒需要为捍卫帝国的领土完整而战，或收复“失去”的基督教土地和人民。基督教从来没有演变出一种意识形态义务来对基督教神学中提出的“异教徒”发动战争，即使有时，在特定的基础上，个人的言行举止好像可以做出这样的辩解。圣巴西尔的第 13 条教规特别指出，那些在战争中丧生的人应该在一段时间内避免圣餐。）
As Christianity spread across the empire during the 2nd and 3rd centuries, pragmatism often won the day, and it seems that considerable numbers of Christians served in the imperial armies at this time. This could not banish particular conflicts of interest, however - military service required acceptance of the emperor cult, that is, the emperor as a God - and a whole range of pagan traditions and rituals. The result is that the history of the first three centuries of Christianity, and the 3rd century in particular, is full of tales of persecution and martyrdom, as individual recruits refused to conform to the ceremonial and ritual observances associated with life in the army, As a compromise solution, the 3rd-century Christian thinker Origen argued that Christians formed a special type of army that did not fight wars for the emperor physically, but instead prayed for the success of the state, which made possible their continued existence and the expansion of their community. This compromise was developed as a response to the criticisms made by pagan commentators about Christian communities and their pacifism. In the end, it was the argument about the continued existence of the Roman state being the necessary condition for the survival and expansion of Christianity which won the day, and led to the more pragmatic compromise noted already.
（随着基督教在 2 世纪和 3 世纪遍及整个帝国，实用主义往往占上风，而且此时似乎有相当多的基督徒在帝国军队中服役。 然而，这并不能消除特定的利益冲突——服兵役需要接受皇帝崇拜，即皇帝是上帝——以及各种异教传统和仪式。 结果是，基督教的前三个世纪，尤其是 3 世纪，充满了迫害和殉难的故事，因为个别新兵拒绝遵守与军队生活相关的仪式和仪式。 作为一种折衷的解决方案，3 世纪的基督教思想家奥利金认为，基督徒形成了一种特殊类型的军队，他们没有为皇帝而战，而是祈求国家的成功，这使得他们的继续存在和扩张成为可能。 他们的社区。 这种妥协是为了回应异教评论员对基督教社区及其和平主义的批评。 最终，关于罗马国家的继续存在是基督教生存和扩张的必要条件的论点赢得了胜利，并导致了已经注意到的更务实的妥协。）
The favour shown to Christianity by the emperor Constantine I, and his deathbed baptism, however, led during the course of the 4th century to a substantive reformulation of imperial political ideology, and this changed the situation dramatically.The Christianisation of the emperor cult solved one of the most difficult issues at a blow - an earthly emperor selected by God to lead the Christians, now consonant with the Roman people - was clearly acceptable, whereas an emperor who was supposed to be a divinity was not. Two perspectives evolved from this situation. The first was the officially sanctioned view which encouraged support for the state, as personified by the orthodox emperor, and all its undertakings. Leading churchmen, while expressing their hope that violent conflict could be avoided and that bloodshed would not be necessary, went on to state clearly that it was praiseworthy for a Christian to take up arms against the enemies of the state. The Christianisation of society developed rapidly thereafter, and as the government became dominated by Christians, so by the end of the 4th century it became impossible to obtain a government post without being a Christian. The association between warfare and Christianity, the struggle for survival of the `chosen people', led by the emperor chosen by God, at the head of his armies became quite explicit. All warfare was thus about defending Christianity and the Christian empire. At the same time a desire for peace, and a regret that war should be necessary, were constant motifs in imperial and Church ideology. There were constant reminders of the heavenly support which Byzantine armies received. Successful warfare without God's help was impossible. A late 6th-century text notes that:
（然而，君士坦丁一世对基督教的宠爱和他临终的洗礼在 4 世纪期间导致了帝国政治意识形态的实质性改革，这极大地改变了情况。皇帝崇拜的基督教化一举解决了最困难的问题之一——上帝选择了一个地上的皇帝来领导基督徒，现在与罗马人民一致——显然是可以接受的，而一个应该是神的皇帝却不是。从这种情况衍生出两种观点。第一个是官方认可的观点，它鼓励支持由正统皇帝代表的国家及其所有事业。教会领袖在表达他们希望可以避免暴力冲突并且不需要流血的同时，继续明确表示，基督徒拿起武器对抗国家的敌人是值得称赞的。此后社会的基督教化发展迅速，随着政府由基督徒主导，到了 4 世纪末，如果不是基督徒，就不可能获得政府职位。战争与基督教之间的联系，由上帝选择的皇帝领导的“选民”的生存斗争变得非常明确。因此，所有战争都是为了保卫基督教和基督教帝国。与此同时，对和平的渴望和对战争的必要性的遗憾，是帝国和教会意识形态中不变的主题。不断地提醒人们拜占庭军队得到了天上的支持。 没有上帝的帮助，成功的战争是不可能的。6 世纪晚期的一段文字指出：）
... we urge upon the general that his most important concern be the love of God and justice; building on these, he should strive to win the favour of God, without which it is impossible to carry out any plan, however well devised it may seem, or to overcome any enemy, however weak he may be thought.
（……我们敦促将军，他最关心的是上帝的爱和正义；以此为基础，他应该努力赢得上帝的恩宠，否则就不可能实施任何计划，无论其设计多么巧妙，也无法战胜任何敌人，无论他认为自己多么软弱。）
The idea is repeated throughout the Byzantine period. Roman defeats were seen as the result of God's anger with the Romans, the chosen people, who were being punished for their sins. Only when the Romans returned to the path of righteousness and corrected their sins would success once again attend Roman arms, and this idea underlies much of the thinking in the actions of individuals and groups in Byzantine political history and political theory.
（这个想法在整个拜占庭时期反复出现。罗马人的失败被视为上帝对罗马人的愤怒的结果，罗马人是被选中的人，因为他们的罪孽而受到惩罚。只有当罗马人回到正义的道路上并纠正他们的罪孽时，罗马的武器才能再次获得成功，而这一想法是拜占庭政治历史和政治理论中个人和团体行为的大部分思想的基础。）
There was thus no notion of Holy War as something special, to he waged under specific circumstances against particular enemies. The Byzantine self-image was one of a beleaguered Christian state fighting the forces of darkness, with foes against whom it had constantly to be on its guard and to evolve a whole panoply of defensive techniques, among which warfare was only one element, and by no means necessarily the most useful. In this sense, one might argue that all war was 'holy war', since all enemy action threatened the lands and beliefs of the Romans.
（因此，对于他在特定情况下针对特定敌人发动的圣战，并没有什么特别的概念。拜占庭的自我形象是一个四面楚歌的基督教国家与黑暗势力作斗争，它必须不断地对敌人保持警惕并发展出一整套防御技术，其中战争只是其中的一个要素，并且通过不一定是最有用的。从这个意义上说，人们可能会争辩说所有战争都是“圣战”，因为所有敌人的行动都威胁到罗马人的土地和信仰。
There were occasions when the notion that soldiers who fell in battle might be rewarded in heaven, a notion reinforced after the development of Islamic notions of Jihad, of which the Byzantines were quite aware. Thus in the 10th century, for example, the soldier-emperor Nikephoros II — known by the somewhat chilling epithet as 'the white death of the Saracens', suggested that this might be an appropriate way to encourage soldiers to fight. But the idea was rejected by the Church and was never really revived. It may have been an element of folk belief, of course, but it was certainly never given any official recognition. A prayer to be said before the soldiers marched into combat is recorded in two 10th-century texts, and it gives a good idea of this combination of Christian with warlike motifs:
（有时，在战斗中阵亡的士兵可能会在天堂得到奖励，这种观念在伊斯兰圣战观念的发展之后得到了加强，拜占庭人对此非常清楚。因此，例如，在 10 世纪，士兵兼皇帝尼基弗鲁斯二世——被称为“撒拉逊人的白死”这个有点令人不寒而栗的绰号，暗示这可能是鼓励士兵战斗的适当方式。但是这个想法被教会拒绝了，并且从未真正复活过。当然，它可能是民间信仰的一个元素，但它肯定从未得到任何官方认可。在两部 10 世纪的文本中记录了在士兵进入战斗之前要说的祷告，它很好地说明了基督教与好战主题的这种组合：）
Lord Jesus Christ, our God, have mercy on us. Come to the aid of us Christians and make us worthy to fight to the death for our faith and our brothers, strengthen our souls and our hearts and our whole body, the mighty Lord of battles, through the intercession of the immaculate Mother of God, Thy Mother, and of all the saints. Amen.
（主耶稣基督，我们的神，怜悯我们。来帮助我们基督徒，使我们值得为我们的信仰和我们的兄弟而战至死，加强我们的灵魂，我们的心灵和我们的整个身体，强大的战斗之主，通过完美无瑕的天主之母的代祷， 你的母亲，以及所有的圣人。阿门。）
There is a mass of evidence, therefore, dating from the 4th century up to the very last years of the empire, for the public and official acceptance by both Church and court, as well as by the ordinary population, of the need to wage war; for the fact of divine support for such warfare; and for the need to maintain and rely on heavenly aid in waging war. Although the notion of 'holy war' in the sense understood by the Crusaders, or by non-Muslims as typical of Islam, flickered briefly into life in the Byzantine world, especially in the context of the aggressive fighting of the 10th century, it never developed beyond this. The ways in which warfare on behalf of the Christian Roman state were understood did go through a certain evolution, for it is apparent that the Byzantines were always conscious of the need to legitimate their wars, a need which generally became more pressing in a time of political and military expansionism such as the 10th century. While warfare could be justified, therefore, loss of life on the Roman side was in particular to be avoided or minimised, if at all possible. The emperor Constantine V characterised as 'noble' his campaign into Bulgaria in 772-73 because no Roman soldiers died; while by the time he compiled his military handbook or tactica c.900, the emperor Leo VI clearly expresses the idea that war has to be justified in accordance with Orthodoxy and the continued existence of the Roman state. As long as Roman interests, however defined, were at stake, then warfare was acceptable and just. War with other Orthodox Christians was, of course, to be avoided. But even this could be justified if the one true empire, that of the Romans, was at risk or subject to attack by the misguided rulers of such lands.
（因此，有大量证据表明，从公元 4 世纪到帝国的最后几年，教会和法院以及普通民众都接受了公众和官方承认发动战争的必要性。 ; 因为这种战争得到了上帝的支持； 以及在发动战争时需要维持和依赖上天的帮助。 尽管十字军或非穆斯林所理解的“圣战”概念在拜占庭世界中短暂地出现在拜占庭世界中，尤其是在 10 世纪侵略性战争的背景下，但它从未出现过。 发展到此之外。 对代表基督教罗马国家进行战争的理解方式确实经历了某种演变，因为很明显，拜占庭人总是意识到需要使他们的战争合法化，这种需要通常在 政治和军事扩张主义，如 10 世纪。 因此，虽然战争是合理的，但如果可能的话，尤其要避免或尽量减少罗马一方的生命损失。 君士坦丁五世称他在 772-73 年间对保加利亚的战役是“高贵的”，因为没有罗马士兵死亡； 而在他编纂他的军事手册或战术 c.900 时，皇帝利奥六世清楚地表达了战争必须根据东正教和罗马国家的继续存在来证明的观点。 只要罗马的利益，无论如何定义，都受到威胁，那么战争就是可以接受和公正的。 与其他东正教基督徒的战争当然是要避免的。 但是，如果一个真正的帝国，即罗马人，处于危险之中或受到这些土地上被误导的统治者的攻击，即使这也是合理的。）
未完待续
