Byzantium at War AD 600-1453(战争中的拜占庭:公元600-1453年)(14)

作者:John Haldon约翰·哈尔顿
出版商:Routledge Taylor & Francis Group
自翻:神尾智代 作者:神尾智代

接上(13)
Life on campaign
军旅生活
As we have seen, life as a soldier in the Byzantine army must have varied enormously from century to century as the empire's fortunes changed, and depending on the commanding officers, the type of unit, and so forth, We have very little evidence about individual soldiers, but there is a good deal of information that can be gleaned from the wide range of written sources about what the life of an ordinary soldier must have been like. In what follows, therefore, I will illustrate some of the issues by inventing a 'typical' soldier. Although there is no text concerning our hypothetical soldier, we can build up a picture of some events in his life from several sources, so that in the account below, all the things that happened to him, the actions ascribed to him or to others, the duties he carried out and the fighting in which he was involved, can be found in medieval sources of the period from the 7th to the 12th centuries, and are all perfectly compatible with the actual historical context in which I will situate him.
(正如我们所见,随着帝国命运的变化,拜占庭军队中士兵的生活在各个世纪之间必定发生了巨大的变化,而且取决于指挥官、部队类型等,我们几乎没有关于个人的证据。士兵,但是可以从广泛的书面资料中收集到大量关于普通士兵生活的信息。因此,在下文中,我将通过观察一个“典型”士兵来说明一些问题。 虽然没有关于我们假设的士兵的文字,但我们可以从几个来源构建他生活中的一些事件的图片,以便在下面的叙述中,发生在他身上的所有事情,归因于他或其他人的行为, 他履行的职责和参与的战斗可以在 7 世纪到 12 世纪的中世纪资料中找到,并且都与我将把他置于其中的实际历史背景完全吻合。)
In this section we will follow the daily routine of a typical cavalry trooper on campaign under the general Bardas Skleros in the Balkans in 971. The soldier's name was Theodore, a fairly common and popular name, and one shared by one of the most famous soldier saints of the eastern Christian world, St Theodore the recruit, one of the four patron saints of soldiers along with saints Demetrios, Merkourios and George.
(在本节中,我们将讲述 971 年巴尔达斯·斯克勒罗斯将军在巴尔干地区参加战役的典型骑兵士兵的日常生活。这名士兵的名字是西奥多,一个相当普遍和流行的名字,也是最著名的士兵之一的名字 东方基督教世界的圣徒,新兵圣西奥多,与圣德米特里奥斯、梅尔库里奥斯和乔治一起是士兵的四位守护神之一。)

Theodore came from the village of Krithokomi near the fortress town of Tzouroullon in Thrace. Theodore was the son of a soldier himself, and the family's land was subject to the strateia, the military service due from those enrolled on the thematic military service register. His family was not well off, but their neighbours, who were also liable to military service, were permitted to contribute jointly to arming and equipping a single cavalry soldier. Theodore's skills had brought him into a unit of lancers, medium cavalry armed also with bows and maces, where he held the rank of dekarchos, commander of a troop of 10 men, in a handon or squadron of SO soldiers. He served effectively on a full-time rather than a seasonal basis and a campaign offered him the chance of a promotion, perhaps to second-in-command of his squadron.
(西奥多来自色雷斯 Tzouroullon 堡垒镇附近的 Krithokomi 村。 西奥多本人是一名士兵的儿子,家庭的土地受制于 strateia,即那些在专题兵役登记册上登记的人应缴纳的兵役。他的家庭并不富裕,但他们的邻居也有义务服兵役,他们被允许共同参与武装和装备一名骑兵。西奥多的技能使他成为一支装备有弓箭和狼牙棒的中型骑兵骑兵部队,在那里他获得了 dekarchos 的军衔,是一支 10 人部队的指挥官,隶属于 SO 士兵的一个小队或中队。他全职而不是季节性地有效服务,一场战役为他提供了晋升的机会,也许是他的中队的二把手。)
In the spring of 970 the empire faced an invasion from a large Rus' force deep into imperial territory in Thrace, where they took the local garrisons by surprise and were able to sack the fortress of Philippoupolis (mod. Plovdiv), before advancing along the road to Constantinople. Since the emperor John had most of his effective field units in the east, where they were campaigning near Antioch, he appointed Bardas Skleros, together with the patrikios Peter, both experienced commanders, to take a medium-sized force - numbering some 10,000 - and scout the enemy dispositions in the occupied territories. As a secondary objective they were to exercise the troops and prevent enemy raiders committing further depredations. At the same time, spies - disguised in Bulgarian and Rus' costume - were sent into enemy-held territory to learn as much as they could about the Rus' commander Svyatoslav's movements. Svyatoslav soon learned of the advancing imperial column, and in response despatched a force of both Rus' and Bulgar troops, with a supporting detachment of Petchenegs with whom he was temporarily allied, to drive the Romans off.
(970 年春天,帝国面临着一支庞大的罗斯军队的入侵,他们深入帝国领土色雷斯,在那里他们出其不意地袭击了当地的驻军,并洗劫菲利波波利斯 (mod. Plovdiv) 的堡垒,然后沿着 通往君士坦丁堡的道路。由于约翰皇帝在东部拥有大部分有效的野战部队,他们在安提阿附近进行战役,他任命巴尔达斯·斯克勒罗斯和帕特里克奥斯·彼得,两位经验丰富的指挥官,率领一支中等规模的部队——大约有 10,000 人——和 侦察被占领土上的敌人部署。作为次要目标,他们是锻炼部队并防止敌方袭击者进一步掠夺。与此同时,间谍——伪装成保加利亚和罗斯的服装——被派往敌人控制的领土,以尽可能多地了解俄罗斯指挥官斯维亚托斯拉夫的动向。斯维亚托斯拉夫很快得知了帝国纵队的推进,作为回应,他派出了一支由俄罗斯和保加利亚军队组成的部队,并与他暂时结盟的佩切涅格人的支援分队驱赶罗马人。)
The march north followed the established pattern. Bardas needed to move quickly, and so forced the pace somewhat. Within imperial territory he could rely on the co-operation of local officials to supply his troops; once in enemy territory his soldiers and their animals had to live off the land. But regardless of where they were, the army always entrenched for the night. The scouts and surveyors sent ahead to locate an appropriate site had to ensure both an adequate water supply as well as good defensive properties, and preferably in relatively open country to avoid the possibility of surprise attack. On this campaign the latter was difficult since the army passed through hilly and wooded scrubland for much of its route. Byzantine camps followed a standard pattern. The commander's standard was set up in the centre and each of the subordinate officers -Bardas had divided his force into three divisions of about 3,500 men - were assigned to share the four quarters into which the camp was divided. The various units pitched their tents around the perimeter, as nearly as possible in battle order so that, in the event of a surprise attack or the need to sally out quickly, they would he ready for action. The camp itself consisted of a simple ditch dug by the soldiers themselves, with the earth thrown inside, stamped down and surmounted by the spears and shields of the troops. The spears might be set up as triskelia, made by roping three together with the point outermost, acting as a particularly effective barrier behind the trench. Most camps had either two or four transverse roads with the troops' tents placed in the intervals, and where the force was of mixed infantry and cavalry the latter were placed within the former for protection. Where circumstances and manpower permitted, the camp should be at least two and a half bowshots across so that the animals could be quartered safely in the middle sections. The largest camps, which could contain a major field army of over 20,000 men and animals Portrait of a soldier 67 with their baggage, were more than a mile along the side, with a v-shaped trench some six to eight feet in depth.
(向北进军遵循既定模式。 巴尔达斯需要快速行动,因此有些勉强。在帝国领土内,他可以依靠地方官员的合作来供应他的军队;一旦进入敌方领土,他的士兵和他们的动物就不得不在这片土地上生活。但无论他们身在何处,军队总是在夜间盘踞。被派往前去寻找合适地点的侦察员和测量员必须确保充足的供水和良好的防御设施,最好是在相对开阔的地方,以避免突然袭击的可能性。在这次战役中,后者很困难,因为军队的大部分路线都经过丘陵和树木繁茂的灌木丛。拜占庭营地遵循标准模式。指挥官的标准设置在中央,每个下属军官——巴尔达斯将他的部队分成三个师,大约 3,500 人——被分配到营地分成的四个区。各个部队在外围扎营,尽可能地按照战斗顺序,以便在发生突然袭击或需要迅速撤离的情况下,他们可以随时准备采取行动。营地本身就是一个由士兵自己挖的简单的沟渠,土被扔在里面,被军队的长矛和盾牌踩踏和覆盖。长矛可能被设置为三叉戟,通过将三根绳子与最外面的尖端连接在一起制成,作为战壕后面特别有效的屏障。大多数营地有两条或四条横向道路,部队的帐篷放置在间隔处,如果部队是步兵和骑兵混合,则后者放置在前者内以进行保护。在情况和人力允许的情况下,营地应至少有两个半弓箭,以便动物可以安全地分居在中间部分。最大的营地可以容纳超过20,000名士兵和动物的主要野战军队,沿边有一英里多,有一个 V 形战壕,深约 6 到 8 英尺。)

Theodore's unit, like all units, had to set up its own rotating watch within the camp; but the commanding officer also needed to set up a watch for the camp as a whole. Each unit along the perimeter provided soldiers for this patrol, called the kerketon, and through the use of a regularly changed password had complete authority over access to and egress from the camp. Other units had to be sent out to forage for supplies and fodder for the horses, and they were in turn accompanied by supporting troops for protection — it was important to pitch camp and secure the immediate area before sunset so that supplies could he got in as quickly as possible. Leaving camp after sunset was usually prohibited, except for the outer line of pickets, groups of four men sent out to cover the major approaches to the camp when it was clear that no enemy was yet in the immediate vicinity.
(西奥多的部队和所有部队一样,不得不在营地内设置自己的轮值表; 但指挥官还需要为整个营地设置一个值班。 周边的每个单位都为这次巡逻提供士兵,称为 kerketon,并通过使用定期更改的密码拥有进出营地的完全权限。其他部队不得不被派去为马匹寻找补给和饲料,而他们又由支援部队陪同保护——重要的是在日落之前扎营,这样他才能尽快确保附近地区的安全。通常禁止在日落后离开营地,除了外围的纠察队外,当很明显附近还没有敌人时,四人一组被派往营地的主要通道。)
The men were organised in tent-groups of eight, called kontaubernia, sharing a hand-mill and basic cooking utensils as well as a small troop of pack-animals. Soldiers were issued with two main varieties of bread: simple baked loaves, and double-baked 'hard tack', referred to in late Roman times as bucellatum and by the Byzantines as paximattion or paximation. In campaign conditions, it was normally the soldiers themselves who milled and baked this. The hard tack was more easily preserved over a longer period, was easy to produce, and demanded fairly simple milling and baking skills. Hard tack could he baked in field ovens — klibanoi — or simply laid in the ashes of camp fires, an advantage when speed was essential, and this was the case during this expedition — although the soldiers much preferred the best such bread, baked in thin oval loaves cooked in a field-oven, and then dried in the sun. The ration per diem included two to three pounds of bread and either dried meat or cheese; wine was also issued, but it is not clear how often or in what circumstances. The amount of meat relative to the rest of the diet was often minimal or absent altogether, but would still provide a reasonable amount of nutrition, since ancient strains of wheat and barley had considerably higher protein content than modern strains, and it has been shown that the bread ration of ancient and medieval soldiers provided adequate nutrition for the duration of a campaign season even without much meat.
(这些人被组织成八人一组的帐篷,称为 kontaubernia,共用一个手磨和基本的炊具,以及一小群驮畜。发给士兵的面包主要有两种:简单的烤面包和双烤的“硬面包”,在罗马时代晚期称为 bucellatum,拜占庭人称为 paximattion 或 paximation。在竞选条件下,通常是士兵自己研磨和烘烤。硬粘性更容易保存 更长的时间,易于生产,并且需要相当简单的研磨和烘焙技能。他可以在野战烤箱里烤硬大头钉 - klibanoi - 或者简单地放在营火的灰烬中,当速度至关重要时这是一个优势,在这次远征中就是这种情况 - 尽管士兵们更喜欢最好的这种面包,薄薄地烤 椭圆形面包在现场烤箱中煮熟,然后在阳光下晒干。每日口粮包括两到三磅面包和干肉或奶酪;酒也被发行,但不清楚多久或在什么情况下发行。 相对于饮食的其余部分,肉类的量通常很少或完全没有,但仍能提供合理的营养,因为古代小麦和大麦品种的蛋白质含量比现代品种高得多,而且已经表明 古代和中世纪士兵的面包配给即使没有多少肉也能在一个战役季节期间提供足够的营养。)

The camp routine was marked by the trumpet signals for the evening meal, lights out and reveille; trumpet signals were also employed to issue commands to the various units and divisions to strike camp, assemble in marching order and begin the march. Leaving camp was always a dangerous time, for as the troops defiled through the main entrances they were for a while exposed to archers or even a rapid hit-and-run charge from enemy horsemen. A particular order for exiting camps was laid down and followed, and once the army was out of the entrenched area it would be drawn up for a while in a defensive formation until the troops fell into the marching order for the day.
(营地的日常活动以晚餐、熄灯和起床的喇叭信号为标志;还使用喇叭信号向各单位和师发出命令,以打击营地,按行军顺序集结并开始行军。离开营地总是一个危险的时刻,因为当部队通过主要入口被玷污时,他们有一段时间暴露在弓箭手甚至敌军骑兵的快速冲撞中。离开营地的特殊命令已经制定并遵循,一旦军队离开了盘踞地区,它就会被编成防御阵型,直到军队进入当天的行进顺序。)
The speed at which armies moved varied according to terrain, weather and the number and types of troops. Unaccompanied mounted troops could cover distances of up to 40 or 50 miles per day, provided the horses were regularly rested and well nourished and watered. Small units generally moved more rapidly than large divisions, even up to 30 miles per day for infantry in some contexts. Average marching speeds were much slower: three miles per hour for infantry on even terrain, two and a half on broken/hilly ground. Mixed forces moved at the speed of the slowest element; but speed also depended on the conditions of the roads or tracks followed, the breadth of the column, and its length. The longer the column, the longer it took for the rearmost files to start moving off, which would thus arrive at the next camp later than the foremost groups, the delay between first and last units being proportional to the length and breadth of the column. Thus a division of 5,000 infantry, which is what Bardas probably had at his disposal, marching at the standard infantry rate of about three miles per hour over good ground, ordered five abreast and with each row occupying a (minimal) two metres would stretch over a two-kilometre distance. There would be a gap of at the very least about 20 minutes, if not more, between the front and rear elements. Theodore's column marched three abreast along the narrow, often wooded tracks followed by the imperial troops on this campaign, and his division of 1,000 cavalry would have extended back nearly six miles, and the whole army some 14 miles. The rearmost units would he well over one hour behind the van.
(军队的移动速度因地形、天气以及部队的数量和类型而异。无人陪伴的骑兵每天可以行进多达 40 或 50 英里的距离,前提是马匹定期休息并得到良好的营养和浇水。小型部队通常比大型师移动得更快,在某些情况下,步兵甚至可以达到每天 30 英里的速度。平均行军速度要慢得多:步兵在平坦的地形上每小时 3 英里,在崎岖/丘陵地面上每小时 2 英里。混合力量以最慢元素的速度移动; 但速度也取决于道路或轨道的条件、纵队的宽度和长度。纵队越长,最后一排开始移动所需的时间就越长,因此它们到达下一个营地的时间比最前面的队伍晚,第一个和最后一个单位之间的延迟与纵队的长度和宽度成正比。因此,一个由 5,000 名步兵组成的师,这可能是巴尔达斯可以支配的,以每小时大约 3 英里的标准步兵速度在良好的地面上行进,命令五个并排,每排占据(最少)两米,将延伸超过两公里的距离。前后元素之间至少会有大约 20 分钟的间隙,如果不是更多的话。西奥多的纵队沿着狭窄的、经常是树木繁茂的小径并排行军,在这次战役中,帝国军队紧随其后,他的 1,000 骑兵师将向后延伸近 6 英里,而整个军队大约 14 英里。最后边的部队比面包车落后一个多小时。)
Having left the camp Theodore's unit was placed in the van division, behind a screen of scouts deployed well ahead of the column, and ahead of the main contingent of cavalry and infantry. The baggage train, to which a group of units was assigned on a rotational basis for protection, was placed in the centre, and other units patrolled at some distance, where the terrain allowed, on either flank. On open terrain in enemy country the army would march over a broader front in a formation that could be rapidly deployed into battle order; and for passing through narrow passes or across rivers another formation was employed.
(离开营地后,西奥多的部队被安排在面包车师,在一个侦察兵的屏幕后面,部署在纵队的前面,在骑兵和步兵的主要分遣队前面。将一组部队轮流分配到的行李列车被放置在中央,其他部队在地形允许的情况下在两侧巡逻。在敌国的开阔地形上,军队会以可以迅速部署到战斗秩序中的编队在更广阔的战线上行进; 为了通过狭窄的通道或穿越河流,采用了另一种编队。)

As the march progressed some of the scouts returned to inform the general that the enemy was not far away, near the fortress town of Arkadioupolis (mod. Luleburgazi.
The three divisions were given separate tasks: two were concealed in the rough scrub and wooded terrain through which the track led in the direction of the enemy, while he took command of the third section of the army himself. Leaving the two divisions in ambush with clear instructions, he himself led a fierce and unsuspected charge against the foremost enemy units, made up of Pecheneg mounted archers. In spite of the greater numbers in the enemy force, lie managed to lure the enemy out of their encampment and withdraw in good order, encouraging more and more of the enemy to pursue hut, on the assumption that the Byzantine troops were indeed losing, without any clear plan of attack or order. It must have seemed as though the outnumbered Byzantine force, which managed with difficulty to avoid being completely surrounded, was doomed. Yet discipline, training and leadership told, and Skieros finally ordered the prearranged signal to be given for the whole force to fall hack. Meanwhile Theodore's unit, one of the two corps that lay in ambush, prepared itself: the order was given to remain absolutely silent, to place all supernumerary baggage animals with their attendants well to the rear, to check their weapons, and to deploy into a battle order appropriate to the terrain. One of the priests who accompanied the force offered up a quick prayer - a standard practice before battle. As the van division approached, drew level with and then withdrew beyond them, a single trumpet-call ordered them to break cover and charge into the flank of the unsuspecting enemy. Caught in the open in close combat, the Pechenegs, a war-like Turkic people from the Eurasian steppe, had no chance to deploy at a distance suitable for the use of their archery and, after being brought to a halt - at which point the van division about-faced and counter-attacked in its turn - they turned and fled. The Rus' and Bulgar troops, meanwhile, who had been hurrying to catch them up, on the assumption that the Romans had been routed, suddenly found themselves caught up in the panic. As the rout became general and the Roman forces pushed home their advantage, heavy casualties were inflicted on the fleeing enemy troops. A contemporary source remarks that the Romans lost some 550 men and many wounded, as well as a large number of horses, a direct result of the fearsome archery of the Pechenegs. The combined enemy force, however, lost several thousand. The short encounter won an important breathing space for the emperor John, furnishing him also with vital information about the composition, fighting abilities and morale of the enemy.
(随着行军的进行,一些侦察兵返回来通知将军敌人就在不远处,靠近要塞城镇阿尔卡迪乌波利斯 (mod. Luleburgazi.)这三个师被赋予了不同的任务:两个师隐藏在崎岖的灌木丛和树木繁茂的地形中,轨道通过该地形通向敌人的方向,而他本人则指挥了军队的第三部分。 在明确指示下让两个师伏击,他亲自率领由佩切涅格骑射手组成的最前线的敌军毫无防备地发起了猛烈的冲锋。 尽管敌军人数更多,谎言还是设法将敌人引出营地并有序撤退,鼓励越来越多的敌人追击小屋,假设拜占庭军队确实正在失败,没有 任何明确的攻击计划或命令。 这支人数众多、难以避免被完全包围的拜占庭军队似乎注定要失败。 然而纪律、训练和领导力告诉了我们,Skieros 最终下令发出预先安排好的信号,让整个部队陷入瘫痪。 与此同时,西奥多的部队,作为埋伏的两个军团之一,做好了准备:下令保持绝对沉默,将所有多余的行李动物和他们的服务员放在后面,检查他们的武器,并部署到一个 适合地形的战斗顺序。 一名随同部队的牧师快速祈祷——这是战斗前的标准做法。当先锋师接近、拉平然后撤退时,一声号角命令他们打破掩护并冲向毫无戒心的敌人的侧翼。 佩切涅格人是一个来自欧亚草原的好战的突厥人,在近距离战斗中陷入空地,他们没有机会在适合使用射箭的距离进行部署,并且在被阻止后——此时 范师转头反击——他们转身逃跑。 与此同时,本来以为罗马人已经溃败,急于追赶的罗斯和保加利亚军队,却突然陷入了恐慌之中。随着溃败变得普遍,罗马军队将他们的优势推回了原处,逃跑的敌军伤亡惨重。 一个同时代的消息来源评论说,罗马人损失了大约 550 人,许多人受伤,还有大量的马匹,这是佩切涅格人可怕的射箭的直接结果。 然而,联合敌军损失了数千人。 短暂的遭遇为约翰皇帝赢得了重要的喘息空间,也为他提供了有关敌人的组成、战斗能力和士气的重要信息。)
After any encounter with the enemy the commanding officers held a muster to establish casualties. Specially detailed soldiers were deputed to check the fallen, to carry or help the wounded back to the temporary Roman camp, where the divisional medical attendants and surgeons tried to deal with those wounds that were not likely to be fatal. Far more men died of wounds than in battle itself, of course. In a contemporary treatise instructions are given that the wounded were to be taken back towards imperial territory with a section of the rearguard, transported on the pack-animals no longer required for the army's supplies. Occasional references in the chronicles of the period bear this out. There survives a medical treatise, certain sections of which deal with the problems of extracting arrowheads, with fractured or broken bones, and related injuries. Chronicles dating from the 6th to 12th centuries give accounts of the treatment of various wounds: the removal of an arrowhead from the face (the victim survived), of a javelin from the skull (survived the extraction, but died as a result of the infection which followed), and the treatment of deep slashes in the back and thigh (the victim died from blood loss).
(与敌人发生任何遭遇后,指挥官们都会召集一次会议来确定伤亡人数。特别细心的士兵被派去检查倒下的人,运送或帮助伤员回到临时罗马营地,在那里师医和外科医生试图处理那些不太可能致命的伤口。当然,死于伤口的人数远多于战斗本身。在同时代的一篇论文中给出了这样的指示,伤员将与一部分后卫一起带回帝国领土,用不再需要军队补给的动物运输。该时期编年史中的偶然参考资料证实了这一点。有一本医学论文幸存下来,其中某些部分涉及提取箭头、骨折或骨折以及相关伤害的问题。 从 6 世纪到 12 世纪的编年史记载了各种伤口的治疗:从脸上取下箭头(受害者幸存),从头骨上取下标枪(提取后幸存,但因感染而死亡) 随后),以及背部和大腿深切伤的治疗(受害者死于失血)。)
Theodore was lucky - not only was he not injured, but his officer had noted how he had dashed in to rescue a comrade from the spear of an attacking Pecheneg, and he was cited for his bravery. He was given a golden arm-ring (taken from one of the dead enemy horsemen), and promoted to drakonarios bearer of the unit banner, a considerable honour, and bringing with it some extra privileges in camp and a small rise in his roga - his pay.
(西奥多很幸运——他不仅没有受伤,而且他的军官还注意到他是如何冲进去救出一名战友的,他被佩切内格的长矛袭击了,他因勇敢而受到表彰。 他获得了一个金臂环(从一名死去的敌方骑兵身上取下),并被提升为部队旗帜的 drakonarios 持有者,这是一项相当大的荣誉,并带来了一些额外的营地特权和他的 roga 小幅上升 - 他的工资。)

The defeat of the enemy force gave the emperor time to organise a major offensive, an offensive which was, in the event, far more successful than was originally planned.
Theodore's unit was involved too, and fought on the left wing at the second battle of Dorostolon in July 971. Theodore eventually retired to his family holding in Thrace where, with his savings from his salary and his promotions - he eventually reached the rank of drouggarios, roughly equivalent to brigadier - he invested in an imperial title, that of kandidatos, which brought with it a decent annuity, and expanded his property. He ended his days as an important local notable - and his grandchildren enjoyed his tales of bravery and fierce barbarians!
敌军的失败使皇帝有时间组织一次重大攻势,这次攻势最终比原计划成功得多。西奥多的部队也参与其中,并在 971 年 7 月的第二次多罗斯托隆战役中在左翼作战。西奥多最终退休回到他在色雷斯的家人手中,在那里,他凭借薪水和晋升的积蓄-他最终达到了 drouggarios 的军衔 ,大致相当于准将——他的一个帝国头衔,即 kandidatos,带来了可观的年金,并扩大了他的财产。他结束了他作为当地重要名人的日子-他的孙子们喜欢他的勇敢和凶猛的野蛮人的故事!


未完待续