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拜占庭军队的招募与征兵 C. 550-950(9)

2021-12-01 16:24 作者:神尾智代  | 我要投稿


作者:John·F· Haldon  约翰·F·哈尔顿
出版商:1979年维也纳奥地利科学院出版 

接上

Hence also the difference in the tenth-century texts between stratiotes — the holder of the “military land” — and strateuomenos —the actively serving soldier. It has been found difficult to decide whether the latter was always a different person from the former or not, for the evidence is sometimes confusing and presupposes no general rule. But in view of the above considerations, it is possible to be a little more precise. First, I do not think it justified to conclude that if there had once been an identity of stratiotes and strateuomenos, it no longer existed in the tenth century. The passage already examined from De Caerimoniis seems to me quite explicit, and relates actual military service to the holder of the strateia. Certainly, this was changing in the tenth century, but there is no reason for doubting that there was an original identity of the two. Why else should the strateia only be held by a man, as is apparent from the case of Euthymius, whose mother, upon the death of her husband, previous holder of the strateia, was obliged to register her son as the new stratiotes? The objection voiced by Lemerle, that Euthymius could not be strateuomenos as well, since he was too young, is not relevant if it is recalled that the choice of those called up devolved upon the strategos and his staff, who selected from among those available (i. e. those registered in the military kodikes) the soldiers required. The remark of Leo VI is here relevant — έκλέξη δε στρατιώτας από παντός του ύπό σε θέματο ς, μήτε παϊδας μήτε γέροντας.

          因此,在 10 世纪文本中,Stratiotes(“军事土地”的拥有者)和 strateuomenos(积极服役的士兵)之间也存在差异。 人们发现很难确定后者是否总是与前者不同,因为证据有时令人困惑,并且没有普遍规则。不过综合以上的考虑,还可以再精确一点。 首先,我认为如果曾经有过 stratiotes strateuomenos 的同一性,那么它在 10 世纪就不再存在了,我认为这是不合理的。 在我看来,De Caerimoniis 中已经检查过的段落非常明确,并且将实际的兵役与 strateia 的持有人联系起来。 当然,这在十世纪发生了变化,但没有理由怀疑两者的原始身份。 否则为什么要只由一个男人持有 Stratia,就像 Euthymius 的例子一样,她的母亲在丈夫去世后,前 Stratia 的持有者,不得不将她的儿子登记为新的 Stratiotes  Lemerle 提出的反对意见,即 Euthymius 也不能成为 strateuomenos,因为他太年轻,如果回想一下,那些被召集的人的选择是由 strategos 和他的工作人员决定的,他们从可用的人中选出(即那些在军用 kodikes 中注册的)士兵需要。利奥六世的评论在这里是相关的——以及从所有军区中选出一名士兵,无论是男孩还是老人。

Even in the eleventh century this identity of stratidtes and strateuomenos remains, as a letter from Psellos indicates. The letter is directed to a certain Maleses, κριτής των Κατωτικών, and concerns a poor stratiotes who, being subject to a strateia, has been called up by an unnamed official. He is apparently unable to join his unit until he has acquitted his public taxes, which are in arears, and Psellos requests that the latter be written off, so that the soldier έλευθέρω ποδί πεϊσον άπιέναι είς το ταξείδιον . It is quite clear that here was a stratiotes subject to a regular strateia who had been called up (κατεγράφη καί εις άλλαγήν κτλ .) for active service.

          正如 Psellos 的一封信所表明的那样,即使在 11 世纪,stratidtes strateuomenos 的这种身份仍然存在。 这封信是写给某位男性的,唐斯法官,他关注一个贫穷的阶层,受到阶层的约束,并被一位不愿透露姓名的官员召见。他显然无法加入他的单位,直到他无罪释放了他的公共税,Psellos 要求取消后者,以至于士兵“我从旅途中解放了我的脚”。很明显,这里有一个受常规军衔管辖的现役成员(记录和变化等。)。

A further text which deserves more attention comes from an eleventh-century collection of the miracles of St. George. It relates apparently to the Bulgarian campaign of 917 under Leo Phocas, which ended in disaster at Acheloos. A soldier of middling wealth (έν αύταρκείοι πλούτου διαβιούς), subject to a strateia (ήν δέ εν τοΐς στρατιωτικούς καταλόγοις τεταγμένος ο άνήρ, δς την τής στρατείας ύπηρεσίαν άπαραιτήτως ύπηρετών διετέλει), is called up for active service, but due to old age is unable to go off on campaign. He sends his son George in his place: ο προειρημένος στρατιώτης Λέων εις γήρας έληλακώς, ούκ ήδύνατο την τής στρατείας ύπηρεσίαν καί οδοιπορίαν τελέσαι · διά τούτο καί άκων καί μή βουλόμενος τον εαυτού μονογενή υίον Γεώργιον (. . .) άντ’ έκείνου εις την τής στρατείας ύπηρεσίαν έκπέμψαι έβουλεύσατο κτλ. Again, there can be no doubt that the stratiotes, registered in the military codices, had to fulfil his duties personally.

          另一个值得更多关注的文本来自 11 世纪的圣乔治奇迹集。 它显然与利奥·福卡斯 (Leo Phocas) 领导下的 917 年保加利亚战役有关,这场战役以阿切鲁斯 (Acheloos) 的灾难告终。产中等财富(在自给自足的财富生活中),受strateia(或在军事目录中命令男人,军队服务必须由仆人服务)的士兵,被征召为主动服务,但由于年老是无法参加竞选活动。 他派他的儿子乔治接替他的位置:上述士兵利奥年事已高,不能在军队服役和旅行;毫无疑问,在军法中登记的士官们必须亲自履行职责。

We may perhaps introduce at this point the case of Mousoulios, the impoverished soldier to whom Philaretos gave his horse. Agreed, there is no evidence here of a military holding in the tenth-century sense. But clearly, Mousoulios was registered as a soldier; clearly, he had to provide his own horse and equipment; and clearly, he was called up by the local commander when he was required for service. From what, then, did he make his living? The answer seems inescapable that he drew his livelihood from an income or property of some description, which supported also the cost of his military duties. Had he been a full-time soldier, he would not have been called up in the manner described. Had he been merely the representative of a military household, appointed by them to carry out the active service (which certainly seems to have occurred in the tenth century), he need have had no fear before his officer, for the family, or group of families in the case of syndotai, that provided him with his equipment would have been at fault. His only way to escape the difficulties of the situation in which he found himself was to flee, to a region where his obligations would not be known.101 While the case is not strong, it seems very likely that Mousoulios was a strati 5tes owing military service, which he was supposed to support in part at least out of his own private income (it need not necessarily have been derived from land, of course). He was both strati dtes and (in later terms) strateuomenos.

          在这一点上,我们或许可以介绍一下 Mousoulios 的例子,他是一个贫困的士兵,Philaretos 把他的马送给了他。 同意,这里没有证据表明 10 世纪意义上的军事控制。 但很明显,穆苏里奥斯被登记为士兵; 显然,他必须提供自己的马匹和装备; 很明显,他在需要服役时被当地指挥官召见。 那么,他靠什么谋生呢? 答案似乎是不可避免的,他从某种收入或财产中谋生,这也支持了他的军事职责。 如果他是一名全职士兵,他就不会以所描述的方式被征召。 如果他只是一个军人家庭的代表,被他们任命为执行现役(这似乎确实发生在 10 世纪),那么他在他的军官、家人或一群人面前就不必害怕了。 Syndotai 而言,向他提供设备的家庭可能有过错。 他摆脱困境的唯一方法是逃到一个不知道他的义务的地区。 101 虽然案件不成立,但穆苏利奥斯似乎很可能是一个欠军队的阶层 服务,他应该至少从他自己的私人收入中提供部分支持(当然,它不一定来自土地)。 他既是阶层,又是(在后来的术语中)阶层。

The man healed at the tomb of Nikon Metanoeite belongs to the same category of soldiers, and like Luke the Stylite, represents those “military families” who supported a soldier and provided his equipment. As noted above, it is significant that while it was becoming quite usual for the occupier of a “military holding” not to serve personally (see below), nor seemingly for a member of his family, Luke’s parents still presented him for enrolment, a point which illustrates the persistently hereditary nature of these obligations.

          在尼康Metanoeite墓中被治愈的人属于同一类士兵,与Stylite卢克一样,代表了那些支持士兵并提供装备的“军人家庭”。 如上所述,重要的是,虽然“军事基地”的占领者不亲自服役(见下文),也不似乎是他的家庭成员,但卢克的父母仍然让他入学,这是一个很重要的事情。 这一点说明了这些义务的持续世袭性质。

But this principle of hereditary service was progressively weakened during the tenth century, as the holdings themselves came to be regarded as the legal basis of the obligations to serve in the army. Hence it was possible for palace officers and court officials to have tenure of military lands and still be able to carry out their full-time duties in whichever officium they served, either by nominating another — whether outside their family or not is not clear, although the appointment of an outsider seems more likely — to fulfill the duties attached to that holding; or by paying a lump sum in lieu of the personal service, as Lemerle has pointed out.

          但这一世袭服役原则在 10 世纪逐渐被削弱,因为财产本身被视为军队服役义务的法律基础。 因此,宫廷官员和朝廷官员有可能拥有军用土地,并且仍然能够通过提名另一个人来履行他们所服务的任何职务的全职职责——无论是否在他们的家庭之外尚不清楚,尽管 任命外部人员似乎更有可能——履行与该控股相关的职责; 或者通过一次性支付代替个人服务,正如 Lemerle 所指出的那样。

In this connection, the existence of lands subdivided by will or by distribution among heirs also points to the probability that soldiers supported and equipped from the revenues of a subdivided holding, each portion of which bore only a part of the obligation, did not belong to the family or families owning the land, but were either hired and equipped by the landholders when the adnoumion was announced; or equipped by the local military establishment, who extracted the equivalent of the strateia, as a cash commuta­tion.

          在这方面,根据意愿或继承人之间的分配细分土地的存在也表明,士兵可能从细分土地的收入中获得支持和装备,其中每一部分仅承担一部分义务,不属于 拥有土地的一个或多个家庭,但在宣布公告时由土地所有者雇用和装备; 或由当地军事机构装备,他们提取了等价物,作为现金兑换。

It is also probable that in order to maintain the new corps of heavy cavalry established on a large scale by Nicephorus II, the principle of joint contribution was extended, as well as the amount of land registered in the military logothesion which was subject to the siraieiu.104 105 A text of Ibn Hawkal confirms that in the time of Nicephorus II the wealthier land-holders had to provide a cavalry trooper, his equipment and an esquire; while the less wealthy paid approximately 10 dinars each (presumably to enable the strategos to raise and equip more soldiers). But this appears in fact to be an exceptional measure adopted for a limited time only, rather than a form of commutation of the strateia. The wealthier landholders referred to by Ibn Hawkal are to be equated with those not normally subject to a strateia, but who can be required, under exceptional circumstances, -to provide a soldier and his equipment; a procedure also noted by Leo VI and by no means new. It is possible that those who paid 10 dinars each were actually stratiotai paying a form of commutation; but again, it seems more likely that Ibn Hawkal refers here to an exceptional case, precedents for which already existed, of course, by which a general imposition on the population was levied to equip expeditionary forces.106 The well-known case of commutation in the De Administrando Imperio perhaps foreshadows this procedure, whereby instead of furnishing equipment and men, the stratos of the Peloponnese opted to pay a cash sum, five nomismata each, or five nomismata between two for the poorer.

           也有可能是为了维持尼塞弗鲁斯二世大规模建立的新重骑兵团,延长了共同贡献的原则,以及受制于西拉伊乌的军事标志中登记的土地数量。  .104 105 伊本·霍卡尔 (Ibn Hawkal) 的一篇文章证实,在尼斯弗鲁斯二世 (Nicephorus II) 时代,富裕的地主必须提供骑兵、装备和侍从; 而较不富裕的人每人支付大约 10 第纳尔(大概是为了使战略家能够筹集和装备更多的士兵)。 但这实际上似乎只是在有限时间内采取的特殊措施,而不是战略的一种形式。 伊本霍卡尔所指的较富有的土地所有者等同于那些通常不受战略约束但在特殊情况下可以被要求提供士兵及其装备的人; 利奥六世也提到了一个程序,但绝不是新的。 有可能每人支付 10 第纳尔的人实际上是在支付某种形式的减免; 但同样,伊本霍卡尔似乎更有可能在这里指的是一个例外情况,当然,先例已经存在,通过这些先例,对人口进行普遍强加以装备远征部队。 106 众所周知的减刑案例 De Administrando Imperio 或许预示了这一程序,即伯罗奔尼撒的阶层不提供设备和人员,而是选择支付现金,每人支付 5 nomismata,或者为较贫穷的人支付 5 nomismata 介于两者之间。

A marked difference thus did develop between the stratidtes and the strateuomenos in the tenth century, a difference that was officially accepted and promoted as the need to protect the basis of the provincial recruiting system — the lands from which the registered families gained their livelihood — produced a legal codification of the obligations attached to such lands, and thus concealed the original nature of military service, a personal obligation upon individuals. But I stress that this distinction (which even in the later tenth century had not yet produced a complete commutation of service)108 only became pronounced during the tenth century: the sources are not in fact contradictory if it is accepted that both personal service of the registered strati otes or a member of his family as strateuomenos on the one hand, and the equipping and provisioning of an outsider on the other hand, were common practice in the second half of the tenth century.

          因此,10 世纪的 Stratidtes strateuomenos 之间确实出现了显着差异,这种差异被官方接受并推广为需要保护省级招聘系统的基础——登记家庭赖以谋生的土地——产生了 对这些土地的义务进行法律编纂,从而掩盖了兵役的原始性质,即个人的个人义务。 但我要强调的是,这种区别(即使在 10 世纪后期还没有产生完全的服务转换)108 仅在 10 世纪才变得明显:如果人们接受两种个人服务,那么这些来源实际上并不矛盾。 一方面,将阶层或他的家庭成员注册为 Stratuomenos,另一方面,装备和供应局外人是 10 世纪下半叶的普遍做法。

How soon the latter developed it is difficult to say. The example of Euthymius, while it may suggest that it occurred occasionally beforehand, is dubious. Euthymius was still registered ev roti; crrpaxaTaXoyou; at the age of eighteen, when he decided to become a monk; and although there is nothing to suggest that he deserted his duties, neither is it likely that his biographer would have mentioned it if he had.    

          后者发展得有多快很难说。  Euthymius 的例子,虽然它可能表明它之前偶尔发生过,但值得怀疑。  Euthymius 仍然注册为 ev roti  crrpaxaTaXoyou; 十八岁时,他决定出家; 虽然没有任何迹象表明他放弃了自己的职责,但他的传记作者也不太可能提到他。

未完待续



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