【简译】英国工业革命中的社会变革
The British Industrial Revolution (1760-1840) witnessed a great number of technical innovations, such as steam-powered machines, which resulted in new working practices, which in turn brought many social changes. More women and children worked than ever before, for the first time more people lived in towns and cities than in the countryside, people married younger and had more children, and people's diet improved. The workforce become much less skilled than previously, and many workplaces became unhealthy and dangerous. Cities suffered from pollution, poor sanitation, and crime. The urban middle class expanded, but there was still a wide and unbridgeable gap between the poor, the majority of whom were now unskilled labourers, and the rich, who were no longer measured by the land they owned but by their capital and possessions.
英国工业革命（1760-1840 年）见证了蒸汽机等一系列技术创新，催生了新的工作方式，进而带来了无数的社会变革。工作的妇女和儿童比以往任何时候都多，居住在城市的人口首次超过农村，人们结婚年龄更早，生育的孩子也更多，人们的饮食也得到了改善。劳动力的技能要求比以前低得多，许多工作场所变得不健康和充满危险。城市受到污染、卫生条件差和犯罪的困扰。城市中产阶级不断壮大，但穷人与富人之间仍然存在着不可逾越的鸿沟，穷人中的大多数都是非技术工人，而富人的衡量标准不再是他们拥有的土地，而是他们的资本和财产。
城市化
The population of Britain rose dramatically in the 18th century, so much so that a nationwide census was conducted for the first time in 1801. The census was repeated every decade thereafter and showed interesting results. Between 1750 and 1851, Britain's population rose from 6 million to 21 million. London's population grew from 959,000 in 1801 to 3,254,000 in 1871. The population of Manchester in 1801 was 75,000 but 351,000 in 1871. Other cities witnessed similar growth. The 1851 census revealed that, for the first time, more people were living in towns and cities than in the countryside.
18 世纪，英国人口急剧增长，1801 年首次进行了全国人口普查。此后每十年重复进行一次人口普查，结果非常有趣。1750 年至 1851 年间，英国人口从 600 万增加到 2100 万。伦敦人口从 1801 年的 95.9 万增长到 1871 年的 325.4 万。曼彻斯特的人口在 1801 年为 75,000 人，1871 年则为 351,000 人。其他城市也有类似的增长。1851 年的人口普查显示，居住在城镇的人口首次超过了居住在农村的人口。
More young people meeting each other in a more confined urban setting meant marriages happened earlier, and the birth rate went up compared to societies in rural areas (which did rise, too, but to a lesser degree). For example, "In urban Lancashire in 1800, 40 per cent of 17-30-year-olds were married, compared to 19 per cent in rural Lancashire. In rural Britain, the average age of marriage was 27, in most industrial areas 24, and in mining areas about 20" (Shelley, 98).
更多的年轻人在更为封闭的城市环境中相遇，这意味着婚姻更早发生，出生率与农村地区相比也有所上升（农村地区的出生率也有所上升，但程度较低）。例如，“1800 年，在兰开夏郡城市，17 至 30 岁的年轻女性中有 40% 结婚，而兰开夏郡乡村这一比例为 19%。在英国乡村，平均结婚年龄为 27 岁，大多数工业区为 24 岁，在矿区约为 20岁” (Shelley, 98)。
Urbanisation did not mean there was no community spirit in towns and cities. Very often people living in the same street pulled together in a time of crisis. Communities around mines and textile mills were particularly close-knit with everyone being involved in the same profession and with a community spirit and pride fostered by such activities as a colliery or mill band. Workers also got together to form clubs to save up for an annual outing, usually to the seaside.
城市化并不意味着城镇没有社区精神。很多时候，生活在同一条街道上的人们在危机时刻会团结在一起。矿山和纺织厂周围的社区尤其紧密，每个人都从事相同的职业，煤矿或纺织厂乐队等活动培养了社区精神和自豪感。工人们还聚集在一起成立俱乐部，为每年一次的旅行（通常是去海边）攒钱。
Life became cramped in the cities that had grown up around factories and coalfields. Many families were obliged to share the same cheaply-built home. "In Liverpool in the 1840s, 40,000 people were living in cellars, with an average of six people per cellar" (Armstrong, 188). Pollution became a serious problem in many places. Poor sanitation – few streets had running water or drains, and non-flushing toilets were often shared between households – led to the spread of diseases. In 1837, 1839, and 1847, there were typhus epidemics. In 1831 and 1849, there were cholera epidemics. Life expectancy rose because of better diet and new vaccinations, but infant mortality could be high in some periods, sometimes over 50% for the under-fives. Not until the 1848 Public Health Act did governments even begin to assume responsibility for improving sanitation, and even then local health boards were slow to form in reality. Another effect of urbanisation was the rise in petty crime. Criminals were now more confident of escaping detection in the ever-increasing anonymity of life in the cities.
在围绕工厂和煤田发展起来的城市中，生活变得拥挤不堪。许多家庭不得不共用一栋廉价建造的房屋。“在19 世纪 40年代的利物浦，有 4 万人住在地窖里，平均每个地窖住 6 人”（Armstrong，188）。污染成为许多地方的严重问题。卫生条件差（很少有街道有自来水或下水道，而且家庭之间经常共用无冲水厕所）导致疾病传播。1837 年、1839 年和 1847 年，斑疹伤寒流行。1831 年和 1849 年，霍乱流行。由于更好的营养和新疫苗，预期寿命有所延长，但某些时期婴儿死亡率可能很高，有时五岁以下婴儿的死亡率超过 50%。直到 1848 年《公共卫生法案》颁布后，政府才开始承担起改善环境卫生条件的责任，即便如此，地方卫生委员会的真正组建也进展缓慢。城市化的另一个影响是轻微犯罪的增加。由于城市生活越来越隐蔽，犯罪分子更有把握逃脱逮捕。
Cities became concentrations of the poor, surviving off the charity of those more fortunate. Children roamed the streets begging. Children without homes or a job, if they were boys, were often trained to become a Shoe Black, that is someone who shined shoes in the street. These paupers were given this opportunity by charitable organisations so that they would not have to go to the infamous workhouse. The workhouse was brought into existence in 1834 with the Poor Law Amendment Act. The workhouse was deliberately intended to be such an awful place that it did little more than keep its male, female, and child inhabitants alive, in the belief that any more charity than that would simply encourage the poor not to bother looking for paid work. The workhouse involved what its name suggests – work, but it was tedious work indeed, typically unpleasant and repetitive tasks like crushing bones to make glue or cleaning the workhouse itself. Despite all the problems, urbanisation continued so that by 1880 only 20% of Britain's population lived in rural areas.
城市成了穷人的聚集地，靠那些更幸运的人的施舍生存。孩子们在街上乞讨。无家可归或没有工作的儿童，如果是男孩，通常会被训练成为擦鞋匠，即在街上擦鞋的人。慈善组织为这些贫民提供了这样的机会，使他们不必去声名狼藉的济贫院。1834 年，随着《济贫法修正法案》的颁布，济贫院应运而生。救济院被刻意设计成一个可怕的地方，除了让男女老幼都能活下去外，几乎没有其他作用，因为人们相信，再多的施舍也只会鼓励穷人懒得去找有偿工作。济贫院顾名思义——工作，但确实是乏味的工作，通常是不愉快的重复性工作，如碾碎骨头制作胶水或打扫济贫院本身。尽管存在这些问题，城市化仍在继续，到 1880 年，英国只有 20% 的人口居住在农村地区。
工作生活
男士
Male workers had opportunities as never before during the Industrial Revolution with the boom in mining, mechanised factories, shipbuilding, and the railways with their train stations and construction projects. Many of these jobs were unskilled, though, and those men who had skills like carpentry, textile weaving, and horse handling were, in many cases, replaced by machines. Men also faced much more competition from women, who were significantly cheaper in terms of wages. Those men who did find work secured a more stable wage than previously, but mechanised workplaces could be dangerous, and the work was often dull and repetitive. The factory system, where workers concentrated only on a specific part of the production process, meant that workers had little sense of achievement in the finished article as they might have done in the old domestic system where a worker produced a finished article.
工业革命期间，随着采矿业、机械化工厂、造船业和铁路及其火车站和建筑项目的蓬勃发展，男性工人获得了前所未有的机会。不过，这些工作很多都是非技术性的，那些拥有木工、纺织和马术等技能的男性在很多情况下都被机器取代了。男性还面临着来自女性的更多竞争，因为女性的工资要低得多。找到工作的男性比以前获得了更稳定的薪水，但机械化的工作场所可能很危险，而且工作往往枯燥乏味、重复性强。在工厂制度下，工人们只专注于生产过程的特定部分，这意味着工人们在成品中几乎没有成就感，而在旧的家庭制度中，工人生产的是最终产品。
Trade unions were established to protect workers' rights, but these were banned by law between 1799 and 1824. Even in the 1830s, many employers insisted that new hires sign a statement promising they were not and would not become members of a trade union. The more successful unions were those representing more skilled workers like engineers who could afford to contribute collectively so that their union had full-time workers to further the interests of its members. In this period, trade unions did not represent women or children.
成立工会是为了保护工人的权利，但在 1799 年至 1824 年间，法律禁止成立工会。即使在 19 世纪 30 年代，许多雇主仍坚持要求新员工签署一份声明，承诺他们现在不是、将来也不会成为工会会员。比较成功的工会是那些代表像工程师这样的技术工人的工会，他们有能力缴纳集体会费，这样他们的工会就有全职工人来维护会员的利益。在这一时期，工会不代表妇女或儿童。
女士
Very often, women performed the same tasks as men in the workplace, since they were cheaper and few machines needed great physical strength to operate. Most women in factories were under 30 years of age, and the majority of these were teenagers. "A British survey undertaken in 1818 found that women comprised a little over half of the workers in cotton textiles" (Horn, 57). In Scottish factories, the figure was even higher. Further, in Manchester, for example, "the highest paid female factory worker made a quarter of what the highest paid male laborer earned" (Horn, 59).
很多时候，女性在工作场所中往往从事与男子相同的工作，因为她们的工资较低，而且很少有机器需要很强的体力才能操作。工厂中的大多数女工年龄在 30 岁以下，其中以青少年居多。“1818 年英国的一项调查发现，女性占棉纺织工人的一半以上”（Horn，57 岁）。在苏格兰的工厂，这一数字甚至更高。此外，以曼彻斯特为例，，“收入最高的女性工人的收入，是收入最高的男性工人的四分之一”（Horn，59）。
In the mines, women were employed to carry heavy baskets of coal from the face to carts for transportation, which usually involved walking through water all day. Only the arrival of the 1842 Mines Act brought the prohibition of the employment of women, girls, and boys under 10 years of age from working underground. In the short term, many women lost their jobs, and families with only daughters suffered severe financial hardship as a result of these reforms.
在矿井中，女性受雇将沉重的煤筐从工作面搬到运输车上，这通常需要在水中行走一整天。直到 1842 年《矿山法》的颁布，才禁止雇用妇女、女孩和 10 岁以下的男孩从事井下工作。在短期内，许多妇女失去了工作，只有女儿的家庭也因这些改革而遭受了严重的经济困难。
More positively, during the Industrial Revolution, the increased ability of women to find employment meant that they had more independence than had been the case in more traditional rural communities. Young women could be financially independent of their parents earlier and, given the increased social contact, be more selective in their choice of husband (as could men, of course). In addition, by the 1850s, "married women were also slightly more likely to have children and to minimize the spacing between births" (Horn, 5).
从更积极的角度来看，在工业革命期间，女性找到工作的能力更强，这意味着她们比在更传统的农村社区拥有更多的独立性。年轻女性可以更早地在经济上独立于父母，而且由于社会接触增多，她们在选择丈夫时也更有选择性（当然，男性也是如此）。此外，到了 19 世纪 50 年代，“已婚妇女生育孩子的可能性也稍高一些，并且生育间隔的时间也最小化”（Horn, 5）。
儿童
Children worked the same 12-hour shifts that adults did but received a much lower pay (80% less than a male and 50% less than a female worker). Children, often as young as 5 but on average from 8 years old, had to perform specific tasks that adults could not, like hauling coal through narrow mine shafts or climbing under machines in factories to collect cotton waste. From 1800 to 1850, children composed between 20-50% of the mining workforce. In factories, children made up around one-third of the British workforce.
儿童的工作时间与成人相同，都是 12 小时轮班制，但工资却低很多（比男工低 80%，比女工低 50%）。这些儿童通常只有 5 岁，但平均只有 8 岁，他们必须完成成人无法完成的特殊任务，如在狭窄的矿井中运煤，或爬到工厂的机器下收集棉花废料。从 1800 年到 1850 年，儿童占采矿业劳动力的 20-50%。在工厂，儿童约占英国劳动力的三分之一。
Children were either sent directly by their parents or found work on their own. There was also a system similar to indenture where parents received money from their parish in return for apprenticing their children to a factory owner. The practice was common, and it was not until 1816 that a limit was put on how far away the children were required to work – 64 km (40 mi).
孩子们要么由父母直接送去，要么自己找工作。还有一种类似于契约的制度，即父母从教区领取钱款，作为回报，将子女交给工厂主当学徒。这种做法很普遍，直到 1816 年才对儿童工作的距离做出限制：64 公里（40 英里）。
In agriculture, children worked as they always had done, tending livestock and doing any menial task they were physically capable of. A development was the use of children in agricultural gangs, sent by their parish to perform seasonal tasks like helping with the harvest.
在农业领域，儿童一如既往地从事家畜饲养和体力劳动。有一种新的发展，教区派儿童组成农业小组，执行季节性任务，如帮助收割。
教育领域
The education of many children was replaced by a working day, a choice often made by parents to supplement a meagre family income. There were some rudimentary schools such as village affairs, local Sunday Schools, and (only from 1844) the Ragged Schools which focused on the three Rs: reading, writing, and arithmetic. Even the cheapest schools cost one penny a day, which was not an insignificant burden on a working family. The schoolteachers were of varying quality, too, and the classroom was usually overcrowded as the teacher's only income was the fee from parents and so they were tempted to enroll as many pupils as space allowed.
许多儿童的教育被工作日所取代，这通常是父母为了补贴微薄的家庭收入而做出的选择。当时有一些初级学校，如乡村事务学校、地方主日学校和（1844 年以后才出现的）以读、写、算（三R）为重点的基础学校。即使是最便宜的学校，每天的学费也是一便士，这对一个工薪家庭来说是一个不小的负担。学校教师的素质也参差不齐，教室里通常人满为患，因为教师的唯一收入就是从家长那里收取的学费，所以他们会在空间允许的情况下招收尽可能多的学生。
Some employers did offer education to their child and adult workers to learn to read and write. Nevertheless, education certainly took a back seat to work: "at least half of nominally school-age children worked full-time during the industrial revolution" (Horn, 57). Compulsory education for 5-to-12-year-olds and the institutions necessary to provide it would not come along until the 1870s. Literacy rates did improve in the 19th century, a development helped by the availability of cheap books made possible by economies of scale from papermaking machines and printing presses. The ability to write allowed people to take advantage of the cheap penny post system from 1840. Reading was also encouraged by the availability of cheap daily newspapers in the latter part of the 19th century.
一些雇主确实为儿童和成年工人提供了学习读写的机会。尽管如此，教育在工作中肯定是次要的， “在工业革命期间，至少有一半名义上的学龄儿童从事全职工作”（Horn, 57）。5 至 12 岁儿童的义务教育以及提供义务教育所需的机构直到 19 世纪 70 年代才出现。识字率在 19 世纪确实有所提高，这得益于造纸机和印刷机带来的规模经济效益，廉价书籍的出现使识字率得以提高。书写能力使人们从 1840 年起可以利用廉价的便士邮政系统。19 世纪后半期，廉价日报的出现也鼓励了人们阅读。
下层阶级、中层阶级和上层阶级
For the rich and powerful, land ownership, just as it always had been, remained a defining characteristic of society's elite. By 1876, a staggering 95% of the population did not own any land so, if anything, this group of great landowners became more concentrated than ever. However, there was another defining characteristic of the elite that joined land during the Industrial Revolution: capital. The very wealthy remained wealthy by investing in businesses directly, funding start-ups and inventors with loans in return for a future share of any profits, and buying shares in canal, railway, and shipbuilding companies. Private banks were a feature of a new and more prominent financial sector that helped those with money earn more of it.
对于富人和权贵来说，土地所有权一如既往，仍然是社会精英的决定性特征。，令人震惊的是，到 1876 年，95% 的人口没有土地，因此，大地主集团比以往任何时候都更加集中。然而，在工业革命期间，除了土地之外，精英阶层还有另一个决定性特征：资本。富豪们通过直接投资企业、为新创企业和发明家提供贷款以换取未来的利润分成，以及购买运河、铁路和造船公司的股份来保持财富。私人银行是一个新的、更重要的金融部门，帮助有钱人赚取更多的钱。
Below the landowners and wealthy capitalist investors, there were the business owners who were given great power by the government's distinct lack of intervention in their affairs. Even when laws were finally passed from the 1830s that limited business owners, the consequent restrictions on working hours and health and safety regulations were rarely enforced due to a chronic lack of inspectors. There was no minimum wage, salaries were not related to inflation, and employees faced the ever-present threat of instant dismissal. In short, owners became richer while workers worked harder than ever and yet became relatively poorer.
在土地所有者和富有的资本主义投资者之下，还有企业主，他们因政府对其事务明显缺乏干预而获得了巨大的权力。即使从 19 世纪 30 年代起最终通过了限制企业主的法律，但由于长期缺乏检查人员，因此对工作时间以及健康和安全规定的限制很少得到执行。没有最低工资，工资与通货膨胀无关，雇员随时面临被立即解雇的威胁。简而言之，企业主变得更加富有，而工人却比以往任何时候都更加努力工作，但却相对更加贫穷。
The gulf between those at the bottom and the top widened. Factory workers, for example, had few transferable skills, and so they were stuck at their level of work. In the past, a handweaver might have saved, perhaps over many years, to form their own business with their own employees, but that method of climbing the social ladder now became much more difficult to access. To compete with larger factories, a serious investment in machinery was required that was far beyond the capabilities of the working class. Small farmers were another group that diminished as land rents increased and mechanisation favoured economies of scale so that individual farms became larger and fewer.
底层和上层之间的差距不断扩大。例如，工厂工人几乎没有可转变的技能，因此他们只能从事本职工作。在过去，手工编织者或许可以通过多年的积蓄，与自己的员工一起创建自己的企业，但现在这种攀登社会阶梯的方式变得更加困难。要想与大型工厂竞争，就必须对机器进行大量投资，而这远远超出了工人阶级的能力范围。随着地租的增加和机械化带来的规模经济，个体农场的规模越来越大，数量越来越少，小农场主是另一个逐渐减少的群体。
There was the possibility of rising through access to education, but this required an investment that few had. Apprenticeships continued to be a way for children to gain better employment than that of their parents, but again, with a hefty fee required up front and several years of unpaid work and study after, not everyone could follow this route. Some, like the multiple mill owner Robert Owen (1771-1858), did rise from the position of a lowly apprentice to become a great industrialist, but these were the exceptions that proved the rule. It is also notable that the majority of the inventors during the Industrial Revolution had received a good education, more often than not up to university level.
通过接受教育有可能得到提升，但这需要投资，而投资的人很少。学徒制仍然是孩子们获得比父母更好工作的一种途径，但同样，由于需要先支付高昂的费用，之后还要进行几年的无偿工作和学习，并不是每个人都能走这条路。有些人，比如拥有几家工厂的罗伯特·欧文（Robert Owen，1771-1858），从学徒成长为伟大的实业家，但他们是证实了这一规则的例外。同样值得注意的是，工业革命时期的大多数发明家都接受过良好的教育，通常达到了大学水平。
One's profession and social status certainly had a direct relation to one's health during the Industrial Revolution. In 1842, a doctor in Leeds, Dr Holland, collated the life expectancy of different societal groups. He found that the average life expectancy of manufacturers and the upper classes was 44 compared to 27 for shopkeepers and just 19 for labourers – lower than it had ever been.
在工业革命时期，一个人的职业和社会地位无疑与他的健康有着直接的关系。1842 年，利兹的一位医生霍兰德博士比较了不同社会群体的预期寿命。他发现，制造商和上层阶级的平均预期寿命为 44 岁，而店主的平均预期寿命为 27 岁，工人的平均预期寿命仅为 19 岁，比以往任何时候都要低。
An urban middle class grew up – around 25% of the population by 1800 – but many moved out of the increasingly cramped and dirty inner cities to new properties in the suburbs, often with a garden. Such professionals as engineers, scientists, lawyers, and so on could afford to keep servants to look after their children, keep the home tidy, and cook meals. The middle classes bought goods from new and elegant shops like the showroom of Josiah Wedgwood (1730-1795) in London. From the 1810s, new street lighting using coal gas made the streets safer to frequent at night, and so restaurants, theatres, and other entertainment establishments flourished. The middle classes, and the more prosperous shopkeepers and artisans, could afford to send their children to school or employ a private tutor.
城市中产阶级逐渐壮大，到 1800 年约占总人口的 25%，但许多人搬离了日益拥挤和肮脏的内城，在郊区购置了新房，通常还带有花园。工程师、科学家、律师等专业人士有能力雇佣仆人照看孩子、打理家务和做饭。中产阶级从新开的高雅商店购买商品，如伦敦乔赛亚·韦奇伍德（Josiah Wedgwood，1730-1795 年）的商店。从 19 世纪 10 年代起，使用煤气的新型街道照明设备使夜晚的街道更加安全，因此餐馆、剧院和其他娱乐场所蓬勃发展。中产阶级以及较富裕的店主和工匠有能力送子女上学或聘请私人教师。
The dawn of the Victorian period, from 1837, witnessed a strong upper- and middle-class public support for 'improving' the poorer classes by having them work harder and live 'cleaner' lives. Indeed, this often-condescending moralism had begun earlier with the start of the Sunday school movement in 1780 and the Sunday School Society in 1785. There was a close link between religion and philanthropy since the majority of social reformers were Nonconformist Christians. In 1811, the National Society for Promoting the Education of the Poor was formed. This society and other similar philanthropic organisations demonstrate that there was a reaction of some sort by the middle classes, intellectuals, and artists against the indiscriminate use of labour in this new industrialised world of factories and overcrowded cities.
自 1837 年维多利亚时期开始，中上层阶级公众大力支持“改善”贫困阶层，让他们更加努力地工作，过上“更清洁”的生活。事实上，这种常常是居高临下的道德主义早在 1780 年的主日学校运动和 1785 年的主日学校协会就已开始。宗教与慈善事业之间有着密切的联系，因为大多数社会改革者都是非教会基督徒。1811 年，全国促进穷人教育协会成立。该协会和其他类似的慈善组织表明，中产阶级、知识分子和艺术家对在工厂林立、人满为患的新工业化世界中滥用劳动力做出了某种反应。
The standard of living did rise for most people during the Industrial Revolution, on average by around 30%, but only from the 1830s was this the experience of the lower classes. The situation of the poorest was made visible to the rest of the population through the growing interest in newspapers, pamphlets, and literature. Art such as Joshua Reynolds' The Age of Innocence (1788) and Charles Dickens' Oliver Twist (1837) helped to foster a new belief that children should be protected and poor adults should be given opportunities to better themselves or at least the lives of their children. Unfortunately, the reforms, investments, and institutions necessary to achieve this betterment would not be in place and effective until after the Industrial Revolution had passed.
在工业革命期间，大多数人的生活水平确实提高了，平均提高了约 30%，但只有从 19 世纪 30 年代开始，下层阶级的生活水平才有所提高。随着人们对报纸、小册子和文学作品的兴趣与日俱增，最贫穷者的境况被其他人群所了解。约书亚·雷诺兹（Joshua Reynolds）的《纯真年代》（1788 年）和查尔斯·狄更斯（Charles Dickens）的《雾都孤儿》（1837 年）等艺术作品帮助人们形成了一种新的信念，即儿童应该受到保护，贫穷的成年人应该有机会改善自己的生活，或至少改善其子女的生活。遗憾的是，实现这种改善所需的改革、投资和制度要到工业革命结束后才到位和生效。
参考书目：
Allen, Robert C. The British Industrial Revolution in Global Perspective . Cambridge University Press, 2009.
Armstrong, Benjamin. Britain 1783-1885. Hodder Education, 2020.
Corey, Melinda & Ochoa, George. The Encyclopedia of the Victorian World. Henry Holt & Co, 1996.
Hepplewhite, Peter. All About. Wayland, 2016.
Horn, Jeff. The Industrial Revolution . Greenwood, 2007.
Humphries, Jane. Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution . Cambridge University Press, 2011.
Shelley et al. Industrialisation and Social Change in Britian. PEARSON SCHOOLS, 2016.
Yorke, Stan. The Industrial Revolution Explained. Countryside Books, 2005.
原文作者：Mark Cartwright
驻意大利的历史作家。他的主要兴趣包括陶瓷、建筑、世界神话和发现所有文明的共同思想。他拥有政治哲学硕士学位，是《世界历史百科全书》的出版总监。
原文网址: https://www.worldhistory.org/article/2229/social-change-in-the-british-industrial-revolution/
