Byzantium at War AD 600-1453（战争中的拜占庭：公元600-1453年）（6）

作者：John Haldon约翰·哈尔顿

出版商：Routledge Taylor & Francis Group

自翻：流潋紫琳

Warring sides：Neighbours and enemies

交战双方：邻居和敌人

          We have already referred to the strategically very awkward situation of the Byzantine state, with enemies or potential enemies on virtually every front and with a constant need to fight wars on more than one front at a time. In the north and west the situation was especially complex as a result of the variety of neighbouring states and political powers. From its establishment in the 680s, the Bulgar Khanate rapidly grew in power, and until its extinction at the hands of the emperor Basil 11, known as the 'Bulgar-slayer' (976-1025), represented a constant threat to the security of imperial territory in the Balkans. Throughout the 8th and 9th centuries and into the early 10th century, Bulgar power and influence grew, in spite of successful counter-attacks under the emperor Constantine V in the 760s and 770s. The nadir of Byzantine fortunes was probably the year 811, when the Khan Krum defeated and destroyed an imperial army, killing the emperor Nikephoros 1. Conversion to Christianity of elements of the ruling elite in the 860s was intended to stabilise the situation in favour of Byzantium; but the gradual Byzantinisation of this elite only contributed to the growth of an imperialistic Bulgar politics which hoped to bring the two states together under a Bulgar dynasty. But Bulgar successes under the Christian Tsar Symeon in the first 15 years of the 10th century were as dangerous; while the reassertion of Bulgar imperial ideology under Tsar Samuel inaugurated a conflict - after a relatively peaceful period in the middle of the 10th century - and led finally to the eradication of Bulgar independence and the recovery of much of the Balkans up to the Danube in the early 11th century. In spite of occasional rebellions, the region remained firmly in Byzantine hands until just before the fourth crusade in 1203-1204. The Latin division of the empire after 1204 resulted in the rapid growth of local Balkan cultural independence and the evolution of new states - the Serbian empire of Stefan Dushan being perhaps the most remarkable. Only the arrival of the Ottomans in the 14th century put an end to this development.

（我们已经提到了拜占庭国家在战略上非常尴尬的局面，几乎在每条战线上都有敌人或潜在的敌人，并且经常需要一次在不止一条战线上打仗。在北部和西部，由于邻国政治力量的多样性，情况尤其复杂。自680年代建立以来，保加利亚汗国的权力迅速增长，直到它在被称为“保加利亚杀手”（976-1025）的皇帝巴西尔十一世（Basil 11）手中灭亡之前，它一直是巴尔干半岛帝国领土安全的威胁。从8、9世纪一直到10世纪初，尽管君士坦丁五世(emperor Constantine V)在760和770年代进行了成功的反击，但保加利亚的权力和影响力还是不断增长。拜占庭命运的最低点可能是811年，当时可汗克鲁姆击败并摧毁了一支帝国军队，杀死了皇帝尼基弗鲁斯一世。860年代统治精英分子皈依基督教是为了稳定局势，有利于拜占庭 ; 但这些精英的逐渐拜占庭化只会助长保加利亚帝国主义政治的发展，这种政治希望将两个国家合并到一个保加利亚王朝之下。但在10世纪前15年，保加利亚在信奉基督教的沙皇西米翁统治下取得的成功同样危险;在保加利亚人帝国意识形态的再主张沙皇塞缪尔就职冲突——10世纪是一个相对和平的时期,最终根除保加利亚人独立和使巴尔干半岛多瑙河经济复苏的时间是在11世纪早期。尽管偶尔发生叛乱，但该地区一直牢牢掌握在拜占庭手中，直到1203-1204年第四次十字军东征之前。  1204年后帝国的拉丁分裂导致巴尔干当地文化独立的快速增长和新国家的演变——塞尔维亚的斯特凡·杜尚帝国也许是最引人注目的。只有14世纪奥斯曼帝国的到来才结束了这种发展。）

          Relations with Italy and the west were similarly complicated. As we have noted already, Italy, north Africa and the south-eastern corner of the Iberian Peninsula had been reconquered under Justinian, at enormous cost, from the Ostrogoths, Vandals and Visigoths respectively. But the appearance of the Lombards in Italy (pursued by the Avars, at Byzantine request) soon resulted in the fragmentation of imperial possessions into a number of distinct regions under military commanders or duces. Imperial territory in the north-east and central regions was represented by the exarch, an officer with military and civil authority. But distance from Constantinople, local cultural differentiation and political conditions, together with the spiritual and political power of the Popes in Rome soon led to the gradual but inevitable diminution of imperial power. The extinction of the exarchate with the capture of Ravenna, its capital, at the hands of the Lombards in 751; increased papal dependence on the Franks for support against the Lombards, and increasingly autonomous and mutually competing local polities in the Italian peninsula had led to the reduction of imperial power to the regions of Calabria, Bruttium and Sicily by the early 9th century. Other political centres such as Naples remained technically Byzantine, but were in practice quite independent. Venice, which grew in importance from the early 9th century, likewise remained nominally an imperial territory.

（与意大利和西方世界的关系也同样复杂。正如我们已经注意到的，意大利、北非和伊比利亚半岛的东南角在查士丁尼的统治下分别从东哥特人、汪达尔人和西哥特人手中以巨大的代价重新征服。但是，意大利伦巴第人的出现（在拜占庭的要求下被阿瓦尔人追逐）很快导致帝国财产在军事指挥官或公爵的领导下分裂成许多不同的地区。东北和中部地区的帝国领土由具有军事和民事权威的官员代表。 但与君士坦丁堡的距离、当地的文化差异和政治条件，以及罗马教皇的精神和政治权力很快导致皇权逐渐地减弱。751年，伦巴第人占领了首都拉文纳（Ravenna），使总督区灭绝；罗马教皇越来越依赖法兰克人以支持对抗伦巴第人，而意大利半岛日益自治和相互竞争的地方政体导致了9世纪初卡拉布里亚、布鲁蒂姆和西西里岛地区的皇权减少。其他政治中心，如那不勒斯，在模式上仍然是拜占庭式的，但实际上是相当独立的。威尼斯从9世纪初开始变得越来越重要，同样名义上仍然是帝国的领土。）

          The coronation by the pope of Charles the Great — Charlemagne — as (western) Roman emperor in Rome in 800 set the seal on the political and cultural separation of east Rome and the west. Cultural differences, expressed in particular through ecclesiastical politics and the struggle between Franks, Byzantines and the papacy for dominance in the central and western Balkans, became increasingly apparent, complicated by rivalry within the eastern Church. Despite various attempts at marriage alliances between the Byzantine and various western courts, the growing political, cultural and military strength of the western world precluded any serious reassertion of east Roman imperial power in the central Mediterranean basin.

公元800年，查理曼大帝的教皇加冕成为罗马(西)皇帝，标志着东罗马和西罗马在政治和文化上的分离。文化差异，尤其是通过教会政治，以及法兰克人、拜占庭人和教皇在巴尔干半岛中部和西部争夺统治权的斗争表现出来，变得越来越明显，而东方教会内部的竞争则使其变得更加复杂。尽管拜占庭帝国和西方各大朝廷曾多次尝试联姻，但随着西方世界政治、文化和军事实力的不断增强，东罗马帝国在地中海盆地中部的权力无法得到真正的重新确立。

          Byzantine influence was struck a further blow by the loss of Sicily to Islamic forces during the 9th century. The weakening of the empire in the civil wars of the middle and later 11th century and the growth of the Crusading movement further complicated matters: caricatures of western arrogance and ignorance on one side were matched by equally inaccurate caricatures of Byzantine treachery and effeteness on the other. Although the imperial revival under the Komnenos dynasty during the late 11th and 12th centuries made a rapprochement possible, including the development of a strong pro-western faction at Constantinople (promoted by the emperor Manuel (1143-80)), the conflict between imperial interests in controlling trade and commerce and Italian merchant expansionism, coupled with cultural suspicion and Venetian political intrigue and opportunism, resulted in the launching of the fourth crusade, the sack of Constantinople, and the partition of the eastern empire into a number of Latin kingdoms and principalities.

（9世纪西西里岛被伊斯兰势力占领，拜占庭的影响进一步受到打击。帝国在11世纪中后期内战中的衰落和十字军运动的发展使事情变得更加复杂：一方面是西方傲慢和无知的讽刺，另一方面是同样不准确的拜占庭背叛和软弱的讽刺。尽管11世纪末和 12 世纪科姆尼诺斯王朝统治下的帝国复兴使和解成为可能，包括在君士坦丁堡发展强大的亲西方派系（由曼努埃尔皇帝（1143-80）推动），但帝国利益之间的冲突 控制贸易和商业和意大利商人扩张主义，再加上文化猜疑和威尼斯的政治阴谋和机会主义，导致发动第四次十字军东征，洗劫君士坦丁堡，并将东部帝国分裂为多个拉丁王国和公国。）

          A somewhat different tone existed in relations between Byzantium and the Rus', Norse settlers from the central Russian river belt who entered the Black Sea to trade and raid for booty, but who had soon become close trading partners with the empire (by the 920s certainly), and provided mercenary household troops for the emperors - from the 980s, the famous Varangian guard. Acceptance of Christianity under Vladimir in the 980s and a marriage alliance between the latter and Basil 11 inaugurated a long period of Byzantine cultural and spiritual influence on the Rus', fundamentally inflecting the evolution of Russian culture, the Church and tsarist ideology. The enduring influence of Byzantine methods of cultural penetration in the Balkans was expressed most clearly in the structure, organisation and ideology of the Orthodox Church of the region.

（拜占庭和俄罗斯之间的关系存在某种不同的基调，来自俄罗斯中部河流带的北欧定居者进入黑海进行贸易和掠夺以获取战利品，但他们很快成为帝国的密切贸易伙伴（到 920 年代肯定 )，并为帝王提供佣兵家庭部队——980年代起，著名的瓦兰吉卫队。980 年代弗拉基米尔 (Vladimir) 接受基督教以及后者与巴西尔11世的联姻开启了拜占庭文化和精神对俄罗斯的长期影响，从根本上影响了俄罗斯文化、教会和沙皇意识形态的演变。拜占庭文化渗透方法在巴尔干地区的持久影响在该地区东正教的结构、组织和意识形态中表现得最为明显。）

          The empire's main neighbours in the north and west until the 10th century were thus the Bulgars - with the various Serb and other Slav chiefdoms and principalities in the western Balkans supporting or being directly controlled by now one side, now the other; the Rus' beyond them, along with the various steppe peoples — Chazars from the 8th century, then during the 9th the Magyars (who go on to establish the Christianised kingdom of Hungary), the Pechenegs in the 10th and 11th centuries, and thereafter the Cumans, relations of the Seljuks in the east. In Italy and western and central Europe foreign relations were dominated by the papacy and the neighbouring Lombard Kingdom and duchies in the former region until the later 8th century, and thereafter by the Frankish empire in its various forms. In particular the `German' empire of the Ottonian dynasty dominated central Europe and Italy from the 10th century, and its rulers had a keen interest in eastern Europe and the Balkans. During the 11th century the rising power of the young kingdom of Hungary introduced a new element into this equation. Eastern Roman relations with the kingdom of Hungary were particularly strained during the 1150s and 1160s, for Hungary played an important role on the international political stage, in particular in relation to Byzantine policy with regard to the German empire. Hungarian interest in the north-western Balkans was perceived by Constantinople as a destabilising element and a threat to imperial interests. The emperor Manuel tried to address the issue by both military and diplomatic pressure, sending frequent expeditions to threaten dissident rulers in the region to follow the imperial line, and interfering in the dynastic politics of the Hungarian court. The rise of the Italian maritime cities, especially Venice, Pisa and Genoa with their powerful fleets and mercantile interests, was to play a key role in both the political and economic life of the empire from this time onward.

（直到 10 世纪，帝国在北部和西部的主要邻国都是保加利亚人。巴尔干西部的塞尔维亚人和其他斯拉夫酋长领地和公国现在支持或直接受另一方控制；除了他们之外的罗斯人，还有各种草原民族——8 世纪的查扎尔人，然后是 9 世纪的马扎尔人（他们继续建立了基督教化的匈牙利王国），10 世纪和 11 世纪的佩切涅格人，以及此后的 Cumans，东部塞尔柱人保持关系。在意大利和西欧和中欧，外交关系由罗马教皇和邻近的伦巴第王国和前地区的公国主导，直到 8 世纪后期，此后由各种形式的法兰克帝国主导。特别是奥托尼亚王朝的“德意志”帝国从 10 世纪起就统治了中欧和意大利，其统治者对东欧和巴尔干地区有着浓厚的兴趣。在 11 世纪，年轻的匈牙利王国的崛起为这个等式引入了一个新元素。 东罗马与匈牙利王国的关系在 1150 年代和 1160 年代特别紧张，因为匈牙利在国际政治舞台上发挥了重要作用，尤其是在拜占庭对德意志帝国的政策方面。 君士坦丁堡认为，匈牙利对巴尔干西北部的兴趣是破坏稳定的因素，是对帝国利益的威胁。曼努埃尔皇帝试图通过军事和外交压力来解决这个问题，频繁派遣远征军威胁该地区持不同政见的统治者追随帝国路线，并干涉匈牙利宫廷的王朝政治。 意大利海上城市的崛起，尤其是威尼斯、比萨和热那亚及其强大的船队和商业利益，从此以后在帝国的政治和经济生活中都发挥了关键作用。）

          Perhaps the most dangerous foe the Byzantines had to face in the west were the Normans of southern Italy, who had served originally as mercenaries in the Byzantine armies, but who by the last decades of the century had established an independent state of their own, and who invaded the Balkans from Italy during the reign of Alexios I in the 1090s and early 12th century. Eventually defeated on this front, they nevertheless went on to establish one of the most powerful states in the central Mediterranean, the Norman kingdom of Sicily, and presented a major threat to Byzantine interests throughout the century. Yet it was not the Normans who played the key role in diverting the fourth crusade in 1203-1204 from its original targets in the Muslim east to Byzantium, but rather the republic of Venice, and it was Venetian interests that dictated the form taken by the political fragmentation of the empire in the period immediately thereafter.

也许拜占庭人在西方不得不面对的最危险的敌人是意大利南部的诺曼人，他们最初在拜占庭军队中担任雇佣兵，但到本世纪的最后几十年，他们建立了自己的独立国家，并且他在1090年代和12世纪初在阿莱克修斯一世统治期间从意大利入侵巴尔干半岛。最终在这条战线上被击败，但他们继续建立了地中海中部最强大的国家之一，西西里诺曼王国，并在整个世纪对拜占庭的利益构成了重大威胁。 然而，在 1203-1204 年将第四次十字军东征从其最初的目标穆斯林东部转移到拜占庭的过程中，发挥关键作用的并不是诺曼人，而是威尼斯共和国，而威尼斯人的利益决定了其采取的形式。 在此后的时期，帝国陷入政治分裂局面。

          Until the extinction of the Sassanid empire by the Islamic armies in the 630s and early 640s, the Persian state had been the main opponent of the Roman empire in the east. Thereafter, the Umayyad (661-750) and then Abbasid (751-1258) Caliphates posed a constant threat to the empire. But this complex history falls into several phases: 650s-720s, when Arab-Islamic invasions were a regular phenomenon aimed at the destruction of the east Roman state; 720s-750s, when a ',Wits vivendi had been established, but in which Muslim attacks remained a constant source of economic and political dislocation; and thereafter until the middle of the 11th century, when the collapse and fragmentation of Abbasid authority made it possible for the empire to re-establish a military and political pre-eminence in the region. The increasingly important role of Turkic slave and mercenary soldiers in the Caliphate from the 840s, and the eventual arrival of the Seljuk Turks in the 1050s, was to alter this picture drastically. A combination of internal political dissension and a relatively minor military defeat at the hands of the Seljuk Sultan Alp Asian in eastern Anatolia in 1071 (battle of Mantzikert, mod. Malazgirt) resulted in the imperial loss of central Asia Minor, which henceforth became dominated by groups of Turkic nomadic pastoralists (known as Turkmen) who presented a constant threat to all forms of sedentary occupation. The growth of a series of Turkic emirates in the region thereafter made recovery of the region impossible; and the rise of the dynasty of Osman - the Ottomans - from the later 13th century was eventually to prove fatal to the east Roman empire.

（直到公元630年代和640年代早期，伊斯兰军队消灭了萨珊王朝，波斯一直是罗马帝国在东方的主要对手。此后，倭马亚王朝 (661-750) 和阿拔斯王朝 (751-1258) 的哈里发一直对帝国构成威胁。但这段复杂的历史分为几个阶段：650 年代至 720 年代，当时阿拉伯伊斯兰入侵是旨在摧毁东罗马国家的常规现象；  720 年代至 750 年代，当时已经建立了“维旺迪”，但穆斯林的袭击仍然是经济和政治混乱的持续根源；此后直到 11 世纪中叶，当阿拔斯王朝的崩溃和分裂使帝国有可能在该地区重新建立军事和政治优势。从 840 年代起，突厥奴隶和雇佣兵在哈里发国中扮演的越来越重要的角色，以及 1050 年代塞尔柱土耳其人的最终到来，彻底改变了这一局面。1071 年在安纳托利亚东部的塞尔柱苏丹阿尔卑斯亚洲人手中的内部政治分歧和相对较小的军事失败（曼兹科特之战，mod. Malazgirt）导致中小亚细亚的帝国丧失，此后小亚细亚被统治 突厥游牧民族（称为土库曼人）对所有形式的久坐职业构成持续威胁。此后，该地区一系列突厥酋长国的发展使该地区无法恢复。奥斯曼王朝——奥斯曼帝国——从 13 世纪后期的崛起最终证明对东罗马帝国是致命的。）

          The political world of Byzantium was thus complex and multifaceted. The government at Constantinople needed to run an efficient, intelligent and above all watchful diplomatic system, for it was on diplomacy, alliances, gifts and the careful use of intelligence that the empire depended. But when these failed, as they often did, it needed an army, and it is the imperial armies, the way they were maintained and how they fought, that is the main theme of this volume.

（因此，拜占庭的政治世界是复杂多样的。君士坦丁堡政府需要运行一个高效、智能且最重要的是警惕的外交系统，因为帝国依赖于外交、联盟、礼物和对情报的谨慎使用。但是当这些失败时，就像他们经常做的那样，它需要一支军队，而正是帝国军队，他们的维持方式和战斗方式，这就是本书的主题。）

未完待续