1841年 威廉·哈里森总统 就职演讲(下)
注：由于哈里森总统的演讲稿过长，超出单个专栏字数上限，演讲全文将分为两期专栏发布。本专栏为下半部分。
上半部分专栏：https://www.bilibili.com/read/cv21981574
There is no part of the means placed in the hands of the Executive which might be used with greater effect for unhallowed purposes than the control of the public press. The maxim which our ancestors derived from the mother country that "the freedom of the press is the great bulwark of civil and religious liberty" is one of the most precious legacies which they have left us. We have learned, too, from our own as well as the experience of other countries, that golden shackles, by whomsoever or by whatever pretense imposed, are as fatal to it as the iron bonds of despotism. The presses in the necessary employment of the Government should never be used "to clear the guilty or to varnish crime." A decent and manly examination of the acts of the Government should be not only tolerated, but encouraged.
总统可以采取的手段中，没有任何可用于控制公众舆论等肮脏目的的措施。我们祖先受祖国启发，为我们留下的最宝贵遗产之一便是“新闻自由是公民自由和宗教自由的坚实壁垒”(译者注:引用自1809年麦迪逊总统的就职演讲)。我们从我国和他国历史上都可以学到，无论任何人以任何理由给我们戴上多么珠光宝气的枷锁，其都与专制主义的铁链一样致命。媒体在对政府重要工作进行报道时，绝不能帮助其“粉饰错误和消匿罪名”。政府不仅应容忍新闻媒体对其进行适当检查，还应该鼓励这种行为。
Upon another occasion I have given my opinion at some length upon the impropriety of Executive interference in the legislation of Congress——that the article in the Constitution making it the duty of the President to communicate information and authorizing him to recommend measures was not intended to make him the source in legislation, and, in particular, that he should never be looked to for schemes of finance. It would be very strange, indeed, that the Constitution should have strictly forbidden one branch of the Legislature from interfering in the origination of such bills and that it should be considered proper that an altogether different department of the Government should be permitted to do so. Some of our best political maxims and opinions have been drawn from our parent isle. There are others, however, which can not be introduced in our system without singular incongruity and the production of much mischief, and this I conceive to be one.
我曾在其他场合就总统干涉国会立法的行为发表了一些观点——根据宪法规定，总统有义务向国会做出报告，并有权建议采取其相关措施，这并不代表总统就成为了立法权的来源，更不应该由总统主管财政计划。的确很奇怪，宪法本应该严格禁止立法部门干涉财政，财政计划应交由其他政府部门负责才恰当。我们最出色的部分政治格言和观点都汲取自我们的祖先之地，即不列颠岛。但是也有些观点是不该引入的，否则不利于我国制度的和睦健全，我相信财政观点是其中之一。
No matter in which of the houses of Parliament a bill may originate nor by whom introduced——a minister or a member of the opposition—— by the fiction of law, or rather of Constitutional principle, the sovereign is supposed to have prepared it agreeably to his will and then submitted it to Parliament for their advice and consent. Now the very reverse is the case here, not only with regard to the principle, but the forms prescribed by the Constitution. The principle certainly assigns to the only body constituted by the Constitution (the legislative body) the power to make laws, and the forms even direct that the enactment should be ascribed to them. The Senate, in relation to revenue bills, have the right to propose amendments, and so has the Executive by the power given him to return them to the House of Representatives with his objections. It is in his power also to propose amendments in the existing revenue laws, suggested by his observations upon their defective or injurious operation. But the delicate duty of devising schemes of revenue should be left where the Constitution has placed it——with the immediate representatives of the people. For similar reasons the mode of keeping the public treasure should be prescribed by them, and the further removed it may be from the control of the Executive the more wholesome the arrangement and the more in accordance with republican principle.
不管一项法案由议会的上院还是下院提出——也无论是政府大臣还是反对党成员等任何人提出，也不论是根据法律拟制还是根据宪章原则，英王都会先使该方案顺从自己的意愿，再交由议会征求意见和认可。而我们现在的情况和英国恰好相反，不仅是原则不同，宪章的形式也不同。我们的原则认为宪法只应该将制定法律内容、形式和允许法律通过的权力交于一个机构(即立法机构)。参议院有权对财政法案提出修正案，总统若对法案不满，也有权将其交于众议院进一步商议。如果总统认为现行的财政法案有缺陷、害处，也有权提出修正案。但是制定财政计划的伟大使命应交于宪法指定的人——人民的直接代表们。出于同样的原因，人民代表们应该设法保管好国库资金，尤其是防止总统将其据为己有，保险措施越健全，也就越符合共和原则。
Connected with this subject is the character of the currency. The idea of making it exclusively metallic, however well intended, appears to me to be fraught with more fatal consequences than any other scheme having no relation to the personal rights of the citizens that has ever been devised. If any single scheme could produce the effect of arresting at once that mutation of condition by which thousands of our most indigent fellow-citizens by their industry and enterprise are raised to the possession of wealth, that is the one. If there is one measure better calculated than another to produce that state of things so much deprecated by all true republicans, by which the rich are daily adding to their hoards and the poor sinking deeper into penury, it is an exclusive metallic currency. Or if there is a process by which the character of the country for generosity and nobleness of feeling may be destroyed by the great increase and neck toleration of usury, it is an exclusive metallic currency.
谈到这个话题，我们不得不提到货币的特性。有人提出应当完全采用硬通货，尽管这种想法可能用意十分美好，但是我认为其带来的后果之严重，远超任何无关公民权利的事务。我国广大的贫苦同胞在自己的行业通过勤劳和进取获得财富，如果我们采用了这种想法，那么他们的努力成果就会瞬间化为泡影。全面硬通货应当引起全体共和派人士的抵制，因为它会使富人越来越富，穷人越来越穷。还有，我国人民追求慷慨和高尚情感的特性也可能会被无法遏制、被迫容忍的高利贷摧毁。
Amongst the other duties of a delicate character which the President is called upon to perform is the supervision of the government of the Territories of the United States. Those of them which are destined to become members of our great political family are compensated by their rapid progress from infancy to manhood for the partial and temporary deprivation of their political rights. It is in this District only where American citizens are to be found who under a settled policy are deprived of many important political privileges without any inspiring hope as to the future. Their only consolation under circumstances of such deprivation is that of the devoted exterior guards of a camp——that their sufferings secure tranquillity and safety within. Are there any of their countrymen, who would subject them to greater sacrifices, to any other humiliations than those essentially necessary to the security of the object for which they were thus separated from their fellow-citizens? Are their rights alone not to be guaranteed by the application of those great principles upon which all our Constitutions are founded?
美国总统还有其他任务，比如需要监督美国各领地的政府。成为我们这个伟大政治家族的一部分是这些领土的天命，虽然这些领土暂时没有获得政治权利，但是随着它们快速发展成长，终有一天会作为州加入我们。只有在哥伦比亚特区居住的美国公民因为一项政策被剥夺了许多重要政治权利，且在未来也无望获得这些权利。虽然被剥夺了权利，但他们是我们营地外的卫士，他们的牺牲维护了营地内的安宁，这是他们唯一的慰藉。他们为此被迫与同胞分离，蒙受了许多羞辱，做出了许多必要牺牲，难道我们的同胞们有人愿意让他们付出进一步牺牲吗？难道捍卫他们权利的，只有宪法中的伟大原则吗？
We are told by the greatest of British orators and statesmen that at the commencement of the War of the Revolution the most stupid men in England spoke of "their American subjects." Are there, indeed, citizens of any of our States who have dreamed of their subjects in the District of Columbia? Such dreams can never be realized by any agency of mine. The people of the District of Columbia are not the subjects of the people of the States, but free American citizens. Being in the latter condition when the Constitution was formed, no words used in that instrument could have been intended to deprive them of that character. If there is anything in the great principle of unalienable rights so emphatically insisted upon in our Declaration of Independence, they could neither make nor the United States accept a surrender of their liberties and become the subjects——in other words, the slaves——of their former fellow-citizens. If this be true——and it will scarcely be denied by anyone who has a correct idea of his own rights as an American citizen——the grant to Congress of exclusive jurisdiction in the District of Columbia can be interpreted, so far as respects the aggregate people of the United States, as meaning nothing more than to allow to Congress the controlling power necessary to afford a free and safe exercise of the functions assigned to the General Government by the Constitution. In all other respects the legislation of Congress should be adapted to their peculiar position and wants and be conformable with their deliberate opinions of their own interests.
一位伟大的英国演说家和政治家曾对我们说过，独立战争刚开始时，英国最愚蠢的人都在谈及“他们的美洲臣民”。难道我们各州有人希望在哥伦比亚特区拥有自己的臣民吗？只要我在任，这种希望就永远不会变成现实。哥伦比亚特区的人民不是其他各州人民的臣民，他们一样是自由的美国公民。根据美国宪法，只要他们是美国公民，他们的自由就神圣不可侵犯。自由是我们在《独立宣言》中反复强调不可剥夺的权利，他们既不能，美国也不会接受他们交出自己的自由，选择成为他们前同胞的臣民——或者说，奴隶。既然如此，任何对美国公民权利有正确认知的人都不该否认这一点——尊重美国全体人民的前提下，授权国会在哥伦比亚特区拥有专属管辖权是能够理解的，其概念无非就是授予国会必要的管辖权，方便联邦政府自由、安全地行使其职能。在除此之外的其他方面，国会其他立法就应当考虑哥伦比亚特区的特殊地位和需求，仔细思考后做出符合其利益的决定。
I have spoken of the necessity of keeping the respective departments of the Government, as well as all the other authorities of our country, within their appropriate orbits. This is a matter of difficulty in some cases, as the powers which they respectively claim are often not defined by any distinct lines. Mischievous, however, in their tendencies as collisions of this kind may be, those which arise between the respective communities which for certain purposes compose one nation are much more so, for no such nation can long exist without the careful culture of those feelings of confidence and affection which are the effective bonds to union between free and confederated states. Strong as is the tie of interest, it has been often found ineffectual. Men blinded by their passions have been known to adopt measures for their country in direct opposition to all the suggestions of policy.
我此前已经谈过，让联邦政府各部门在自己管辖范围内活动的必要性。有些时候这并非易事，因为他们所负责的权力往往并没有明确的界限。但是这类冲突可能会造成危害，尤其是某些团体可能为了一些特别目的而自己独立建国的情况，这样建立的国家是不可能长久存在的，因为它无法切断自己和联邦内各自由州的联系。虽然各州之间的利息联系十分紧密，但也不见得可以有效阻止这种情况发生。众所周知，人一时上头就会被蒙蔽，不顾一切政策劝解，采取措施建国。
The alternative, then, is to destroy or keep down a bad passion by creating and fostering a good one, and this seems to be the corner stone upon which our American political architects have reared the fabric of our Government. The cement which was to bind it and perpetuate its existence was the affectionate attachment between all its members. To insure the continuance of this feeling, produced at first by a community of dangers, of sufferings, and of interests, the advantages of each were made accessible to all. No participation in any good possessed by any member of our extensive Confederacy, except in domestic government, was withheld from the citizen of any other member. By aprocess attended with no difficulty, no delay, no expense but that of removal, the citizen of one might become the citizen of any other, and successively of the whole.
为抑制或消灭这种不利的感情，我们应当培养出一种利于我们的感情取而代之，这种方法似乎是美国政治缔造者们创建联邦政府形式的基石。联邦内各成员的相依相爱构成了我们牢不可破的纽带。我们最初因面临共同威胁、经历过共同苦难，因共同利益而联合到一起，想要将这种感情延续下去，就必须要做到有福同享。在我们广阔的联邦中，一州除自己州内部的利益外，其他所有利益皆需分享给其他州的公民。一名公民仅需迁移，无需花费，不会拖延，也不会遇到任何阻碍，即可从一州公民成为另一州的公民，自然也是联邦公民。
The lines, too, separating powers to be exercised by the citizens of one State from those of another seem to be so distinctly drawn as to leave no room for misunderstanding. The citizens of each State unite in their persons all the privileges which that character confers and all that they may claim as citizens of the United States, but in no case can the same persons at the same time act as the citizen of two separate States, and he is therefore positively precluded from any interference with the reserved powers of any State but that of which he is for the time being a citizen. He may, indeed, offer to the citizens of other States his advice as to their management, and the form in which it is tendered is left to his own discretion and sense of propriety. It may be observed, however, that organized associations of citizens requiring compliance with their wishes too much resemble the recommendations of Athens to her allies, supported by an armed and powerful fleet.
而且一州公民和另一州公民的政治权利区别分明，不会有任何误解的可能。 任何州的公民都同时享有作为本州公民和美国公民所有的权利，但是一个人在任何情况下都不能同时成为两个州的公民，同样因此，除他自己所在的州之外，他无权干涉其他州的保留权力。他确实可以向其他州的公民就管理问题提出一些建议，其提议的具体形式由他个人视情况合适而自行决定。也可以观察到，有些公民团体强迫别人接受他们的意愿，像极了以前雅典人凭借其强大的武装舰队威胁其盟友接受自己建议的样子。
It was, indeed, to the ambition of the leading States of Greece to control the domestic concerns of the others that the destruction of that celebrated Confederacy, and subsequently of all its members, is mainly to be attributed, and it is owing to the absence of that spirit that the Helvetic Confederacy has for so many years been preserved. Never has there been seen in the institutions of the separate members of any confederacy more elements of discord. In the principles and forms of government and religion, as well as in the circumstances of the several Cantons, so marked a discrepancy was observable as to promise anything but harmony in their intercourse or permanency in their alliance, and yet for ages neither has been interrupted. Content with the positive benefits which their union produced, with the independence and safety from foreign aggression which it secured, these sagacious people respected the institutions of each other, however repugnant to their own principles and prejudices.
其实，这个著名的邦联(译者注:指伯罗奔尼撒战争中雅典领导的提洛同盟)及其所有成员国之所以最终会毁灭，就是因为他们试图领导所有希腊国家，掌管其他国家国内事务的野心，赫尔维蒂联邦(译者注:指瑞士)没有这种野心，因此得以常年不倒，存在至今。赫尔维蒂联邦中的各成员从来没有因制度问题出现过什么争端。你可以观察到这个联邦中各州的政府形式、宗教信仰有明显的差异，看似这个联邦不可能和睦来往、长期存在，然而这么长时间过去了，赫尔维蒂联邦依旧相处和睦。因为这些聪明的人民对联邦带来的利益十分满意，联邦也能确保各州安全，不受外国侵略，他们不强加自己的原则，抛下自己的偏见，尊重彼此的制度。
Our Confederacy, fellow-citizens, can only be preserved by the same forbearance. Our citizens must be content with the exercise of the powers with which the Constitution clothes them. The attempt of those of one State to control the domestic institutions of another can only result in feelings of distrust and jealousy, the certain harbingers of disunion, violence, and civil war, and the ultimate destruction of our free institutions. Our Confederacy is perfectly illustrated by the terms and principles governing a common copartnership. There is a fund of power to be exercised under the direction of the joint councils of the allied members, but that which has been reserved by the individual members is intangible by the common Government or the individual members composing it. To attempt it finds no support in the principles of our Constitution.
同胞们，我们的联邦也只能通过这种宽容精神来维系。我国公民必须对宪法赋予自己的权力感到知足。如果一州人民试图操控其他州的制度，只会引起猜疑和敌视，也势必导致国家出现分裂、暴动、内战的征兆，最终摧毁我们的自由制度。共同协作的条款和原则，在我国得到了完美体现。联邦各州可以在联邦政府共同会议的指导下行使部分权力，但是各州自行保留的权力，是联邦政府和其他州都不可侵犯的。否则就违反了宪法原则。
It should be our constant and earnest endeavor mutually to cultivate a spirit of concord and harmony among the various parts of our Confederacy. Experience has abundantly taught us that the agitation by citizens of one part of the Union of a subject not confided to the General Government, but exclusively under the guardianship of the local authorities, is productive of no other consequences than bitterness, alienation, discord, and injury to the very cause which is intended to be advanced. Of all the great interests which appertain to our country, that of union——cordial, confiding, fraternal union——is by far the most important, since it is the only true and sure guaranty of all others.
我们要一直热切地共同努力，在各州之间培养这种和谐妥协的精神。历史已经充分证明，部分公民煽动大家不要信任联邦政府，只完全接受当地政府的监护，这种行为只会给我们的事业造成痛苦、隔阂、纷争的伤害。团结——友好和睦、相互信任、如兄弟一般的团结才是我国所有利益中最重要的一环，因为它是我国利益中，唯一真诚可靠的保险。
In consequence of the embarrassed state of business and the currency, some of the States may meet with difficulty in their financial concerns. However deeply we may regret anything imprudent or excessive in the engagements into which States have entered for purposes of their own, it does not become us to disparage the States governments, nor to discourage them from making proper efforts for their own relief. On the contrary, it is our duty to encourage them to the extent of our Constitutional authority to apply their best means and cheerfully to make all necessary sacrifices and submit to all necessary burdens to fulfill their engagements and maintain their credit, for the character and credit of the several States form a part of the character and credit of the whole country. The resources of the country are abundant, the enterprise and activity of our people proverbial, and we may well hope that wise legislation and prudent administration by the respective governments, each acting within its own sphere, will restore former prosperity.
当前我国的经济和贸易处境艰难，部分州的财政可能正面临着难题。这些州为了自身利益而过于草率地采取了不合时宜的行动，对此我们深表遗憾，但是不该由我们来责怪各州政府，我们同样不该阻止各州为使自己摆脱困境而做出努力。相反，我们应当鼓励各州采取最合适的手段，在不违反宪法的前提下欣然做出必要的牺牲，承担所负的责任，履行自己的诺言，维护自己的信誉，因为各州的品质信誉也是联邦集体信誉的一部分。我国资源丰富，我国人民的勤奋和活力使人交口称赞，我们欣然期望，各州政府的议会和机构在自己的下辖范围内机智决策、谨慎治理，使得各州重现往日繁华。
Unpleasant and even dangerous as collisions may sometimes be between the constituted authorities of the citizens of our country in relation to the lines which separate their respective jurisdictions, the results can be of no vital injury to our institutions if that ardent patriotism, that devoted attachment to liberty, that spirit of moderation and forbearance for which our countrymen were once distinguished, continue to be cherished. If this continues to be the ruling passion of our souls, the weaker feeling of the mistaken enthusiast will be corrected, the Utopian dreams of the scheming politician dissipated, and the complicated intrigues of the demagogue rendered harmless.
我国公民组成的各级政府在划分各自的下辖范围时时常爆发冲突，这使得我们十分沮丧，甚至心惊胆战，但是我们同胞向来热爱祖国，追求自由，平易近人，宽容大度著称，并引以为傲，所以我相信这些小冲突不会对我国造成太大伤害。只要我们的灵魂中一直充满这些激情，那么持有错误看法的狂热者的思想便会得到纠正，某些阴险狡诈的政客的乌托邦幻想也会落空，各种阴谋诡计、惑众妖言也无法伤我们分毫。
The spirit of liberty is the sovereign balm for every injury which our institutions may receive. On the contrary, no care that can be used in the construction of our Government, no division of powers, no distribution of checks in its several departments, will prove effectual to keep us a free people if this spirit is suffered to decay; and decay it will without constant nurture. To the neglect of this duty the best historians agree in attributing the ruin of all the republics with whose existence and fall their writings have made us acquainted. The same causes will ever produce the same effects, and as long as the love of power is a dominant passion of the human bosom, and as long as the understandings of men can be warped and their affections changed by operations upon their passions and prejudices, so long will the liberties of a people depend on their own constant attention to its preservation.
自由精神可以抚平我们国家受到的一切创伤。但相反，如果自由精神被破坏的话，那么我们的政府便无法再有效地采取措施，无法三权分立，相互制衡，各部门也无法各司其职，我们也不再会是自由民族；如果我们不加以弘扬，自由精神早晚会被毁坏。世界上最优秀的史学家们都一致认为，历史上所有共和国的灭亡都是因为忽视了自由精神，这一说法可以在这些史学家的作品中得到作证。只要对权力的渴望仍在人内心中占据主导，只要人们的激情和偏见一经煽动就能够扭曲自己的认知，同样的因素就一直会导致同样的结果，一个民族能否享有自由，取决自己是否时刻注意保护自由。
The danger to all well-established free governments arises from the unwillingness of the people to believe in its existence or from the influence of designing men diverting their attention from the quarter whence it approaches to a source from which it can never come. This is the old trick of those who would usurp the government of their country. In the name of democracy they speak, warning the people against the influence of wealth and the danger of aristocracy. History, ancient and modern, is full of such examples. Caesar became the master of the Roman people and the senate under the pretense of supporting the democratic claims of the former against the aristocracy of the latter; Cromwell, in the character of protector of the liberties of the people, became the dictator of England, and Bolivar possessed himself of unlimited power with the title of his country's liberator. There is, on the contrary, no instance on record of an extensive and well- established republic being changed into an aristocracy.
对于立足已稳的自由政府来说，最大的威胁就是人民的不信任，有些居心叵测的人会施加影响，刻意将人民的注意力转移到某些和自由政府根本不沾边的因素上。这些都是意图颠覆政府的人所惯用的伎俩。他们嘴上高谈民主，警告着人民远离财富影响和贵族威胁。无论是古代还是现代历史，这种事情都屡见不鲜。凯撒谎称保护罗马人民的民主，对抗罗马元老院的贵族寡头政治，却最终统治了元老院和罗马人民；克伦威尔假借人民保护者的称号，成为了英国的独裁者，还有玻利瓦尔，他靠着解放者的头衔获得了至高无上的权力。相反的条件下，迄今尚未有哪个健全的共和国变成贵族政体的例子。
The tendencies of all such governments in their decline is to monarchy, and the antagonist principle to liberty there is the spirit of faction——a spirit which assumes the character and in times of great excitement imposes itself upon the people as the genuine spirit of freedom, and, like the false Christs whose coming was foretold by the Savior, seeks to, and were it possible would, impose upon the true and most faithful disciples of liberty. It is in periods like this that it behooves the people to be most watchful of those to whom they have intrusted power. And although there is at times much difficulty in distinguishing the false from the true spirit, a calm and dispassionate investigation will detect the counterfeit, as well by the character of its operations as the results that are produced.
所有共和政府在衰落之时，都表现出向君主制发展的趋势，而与自由思想相斥的则是派系思想——这种思想往往会以真正的自由思想的形象出现，并在极度动荡时期将这种思想强加给人民，正如救世主所预料的一样，伪基督必定出现，并寻找机会将其思想强加给真正虔诚的自由思想信徒。因此，处于动荡时期之际，人们更有义务对自己的授权对象保持高度警惕。虽然有时这些思想真假难辨，但是只要保持冷静，公正观察这些思想的特征和其产生的结果，还是可以识别伪自由思想的。
The true spirit of liberty, although devoted, persevering, bold, and uncompromising in principle, that secured is mild and tolerant and scrupulous as to the means it employs, whilst the spirit of party, assuming to be that of liberty, is harsh, vindictive, and intolerant, and totally reckless as to the character of the allies which it brings to the aid of its cause. When the genuine spirit of liberty animates the body of a people to a thorough examination of their affairs, it leads to the excision of every excrescence which may have fastened itself upon any of the departments of the government, and restores the system to its pristine health and beauty. But the reign of an intolerant spirit of party amongst a free people seldom fails to result in a dangerous accession to the executive power introduced and established amidst unusual professions of devotion to democracy.
真正的自由思想虽然从原则上来讲应当保持赤胆忠心，矢志不渝，勇敢无畏，毫不妥协，但是其实践手段往往宽容大度，温和谨慎，而党派思想，则假装自己是自由思想，且雷厉风行，锱铢必较，零容忍，且在选择帮助自己完成目的的盟友时莽撞至极。真正的自由思想会让一个民族检视自己的事务，还会切除政府各部门的累赘，让制度恢复其初始的健全完美。但是如果狭隘独断的党派思想在自由民族中占据主导，那么几乎不可避免地会导致独裁集权，危害我国原本的民主制度。
The foregoing remarks relate almost exclusively to matters connected with our domestic concerns. It may be proper, however, that I should give some indications to my fellow-citizens of my proposed course of conduct in the management of our foreign relations. I assure them, therefore, that it is my intention to use every means in my power to preserve the friendly intercourse which now so happily subsists with every foreign nation, and that although, of course, not well informed as to the state of pending negotiations with any of them, I see in the personal characters of the sovereigns, as well as in the mutual interests of our own and of the governments with which our relations are most intimate, a pleasing guaranty that the harmony so important to the interests of their subjects as well as of our citizens will not be interrupted by the advancement of any claim or pretension upon their part to which our honor would not permit us to yield.
以上问题基本全部涉及我国国内事务。不过我也应当向同胞们阐明我处理对外事务的策略方针。我保证使用我权力内的一切手段保持我们同各国友好往来的欢欣现状。当然，我尚不知我国同各国计划谈判的相关细节，但是我了解各国君主的个人品质，也深知我国政府和这些亲密友邦有共同利益，我相信我们公民和他们臣民的共同利益有着令人欣喜的坚实保障，他们绝不会进一步提出令我国荣誉无法接受的条款。
Long the defender of my country's rights in the field, I trust that my fellow-citizens will not see in my earnest desire to preserve peace with foreign powers any indication that their rights will ever be sacrificed or the honor of the nation tarnished by any admission on the part of their Chief Magistrate unworthy of their former glory. In our intercourse with our aboriginal neighbors the same liberality and justice which marked the course prescribed to me by two of my illustrious predecessors when acting under their direction in the discharge of the duties of superintendent and commissioner shall be strictly observed. I can conceive of no more sublime spectacle, none more likely to propitiate an impartial and common Creator, than a rigid adherence to the principles of justice on the part of a powerful nation in its transactions with aweaker and uncivilized people whom circumstances have placed at its disposal.
我虽长期在疆场上捍卫祖国的权利，但是我热切地希望同世界列强保持和平，且我相信同胞们丝毫不会认为我愿牺牲他们的权利，同样，他们的最高行政官也不会允许国家荣誉受辱。两位杰出的前总统曾命我担任监管和委员两职，负责同原住民友邦进行交流，同样要求我要待他们以自由和公正，我严格执行了这一要求。我认为，我国身为世界列强之一，明明可以肆意处置这些未开化的原住民，但是我们在同他们交往时却偏偏要坚持公正原则，没有什么更高尚的事情能让我们共同的公正造物主感到欣慰了。
Before concluding, fellow-citizens, I must say something to you on the subject of the parties at this time existing in our country. To me it appears perfectly clear that the interest of that country requires that the violence of the spirit by which those parties are at this time governed must be greatly mitigated, if not entirely extinguished, or consequences will ensue which are appalling to be thought of.
同胞们，在我结束演讲之前，我还需要就我国目前存在的党派问题进行发言。我毋庸置疑地认为，当前党派思想表现出暴力倾向，严重危害了我国利益，即使不能完全消除，也要大力打压这种思想，否则后果简直不堪设想。
If parties in a republic are necessary to secure a degree of vigilance sufficient to keep the public functionaries within the bounds of law and duty, at that point their usefulness ends. Beyond that they become destructive of public virtue, the parent of a spirit antagonist to that of liberty, and eventually its inevitable conqueror. We have examples of republics where the love of country and of liberty at one time were the dominant passions of the whole mass of citizens, and yet, with the continuance of the name and forms of free government, not a vestige of these qualities remaining in the bosoms of any one of its citizens. It was the beautiful remark of a distinguished English writer that "in the Roman senate Octavius had a party and Anthony a party, but the Commonwealth had none."
如果共和国需要政党的存在，才能让大家对公职人员的违反逾矩行为保持警惕的话，那么我希望其作用仅仅止步于此。如果进一步发展的话，政党必然会毁坏公众道德，打压自由精神，最终不可避免地成为人民的征服者。在我们举例的那些共和国中，爱国和自由都曾一度是全体公民的主要思想，然而他们虽继承了共和国的名字和政府形式，心中却早已将这些品质抛却。对此，有一位英国作家曾犀利地评价道：“罗马元老院中，屋大维有一个党派，安东尼也有一个党派，但是共和国却一个党派都没有。”(译者注:盖乌斯·屋大维和马克·安东尼是罗马共和国末期的两大独裁者，前者成为了罗马帝国第一位皇帝。)
Yet the senate continued to meet in the temple of liberty to talk of the sacredness and beauty of the Commonwealth and gaze at the statues of the elder Brutus and of the Curtii and Decii, and the people assembled in the forum, not, as in the days of Camillus and the Scipios, to cast their free votes for annual magistrates or pass upon the acts of the senate, but to receive from the hands of the leaders of the respective parties their share of the spoils and to shout for one or the other, as those collected in Gaul or Egypt and the lesser Asia would furnish the larger dividend. The spirit of liberty had fled, and, avoiding the abodes of civilized man, had sought protection in the wilds of Scythia or Scandinavia; and so under the operation of the same causes and influences it will fly from our Capitol and our forums.
虽然元老院仍在自由的神殿里开会，谈论着罗马共和国的神圣壮丽，注视着老布鲁图斯、科提和德西的雕像，人们仍在公共场所集会，但是不再像卡米琉斯和西庇阿统治时那样，能够每年自由投票选举执政官，亦或通过元老院法案，只能被动地从各党派手中分到罗马军队的战利品，他们只能选择其中一个党派支持，以获得罗马军团在高卢、埃及和小亚细亚的更多战利品。自由思想已经不复存在，离开了文明世界，躲到了斯基泰和斯堪的纳维亚的野蛮部落；因此，如果同样的事情发生在我国，自由思想也不会继续留在我们的国会大厦。
A calamity so awful, not only to our country, but to the world, must be deprecated by every patriot and every tendency to a state of things likely to produce it immediately checked. Such a tendency has existed——does exist. Always the friend of my countrymen, never their flatterer, it becomes my duty to say to them from this high place to which their partiality has exalted me that there exists in the land a spirit hostile to their best interests——hostile to liberty itself. It is a spirit contracted in its views, selfish in its objects. It looks to the aggrandizement of a few even to the destruction of the interests of the whole. The entire remedy is with the people. Something, however, may be effected by the means which they have placed in my hands. It is union that we want, not of a party for the sake of that party, but a union of the whole country for the sake of the whole country, for the defense of its interests and its honor against foreign aggression, for the defense of those principles for which our ancestors so gloriously contended.
这是一场可怕的灾难，不仅对我国如此，甚至会影响全世界，因此每一位爱国者都应旗帜鲜明地反对这种事情，并尽一切可能阻止这种倾向出现。这一趋势目前已经在我国出现——现在就存在着。我永远是同胞们的朋友，从不对同胞们阿谀奉承，我承蒙同胞们厚爱，得以身居高位，因此我认为我有责任告知大家，我国目前存在着一种不利于大家利益，也不利于自由思想的思想。这是一种狭隘的思想，其只为满足一己私利。它只会使少数人成为既得利益群体，为此甚至可以牺牲全体人民的利益。而应对措施也在人民之手。不过人民赋予我手中的权力也可以发挥一定作用。我们希望国家能团结一致，不是某个政党为了自己的利益而团结，而是整个联邦为了全体人民的利益而团结到一起，一同抵抗外来侵略，捍卫自己的利益和荣誉，捍卫我们祖辈们曾为之英勇奋斗的原则。
As far as it depends upon me it shall be accomplished. All the influence that I possess shall be exerted to prevent the formation at least of an Executive party in the halls of the legislative body. I wish for the support of no member of that body to any measure of mine that does not satisfy his judgment and his sense of duty to those from whom he holds his appointment, nor any confidence in advance from the people but that asked for by Mr. Jefferson, "to give firmness and effect to the legal administration of their affairs."
我相信，这一目标一定能完成。我将动用我的一切限权，防止国会中党派架空行政部门的情况出现。我希望的不是在我的行政举措违背了国会议员的判断和使命感时，他们依然能给予我支持，也不是人民在我开始执政之前就给予我信任，而是像杰斐逊总统所说的那样“坚定高效地对人民事务进行合法处理”。
I deem the present occasion sufficiently important and solemn to justify me in expressing to my fellow-citizens a profound reverence for the Christian religion and a thorough conviction that sound morals, religious liberty, and a just sense of religious responsibility are essentially connected with all true and lasting happiness; and to that good Being who has blessed us by the gifts of civil and religious freedom, who watched over and prospered the labors of our fathers and has hitherto preserved to us institutions far exceeding in excellence those of any other people, let us unite in fervently commending every interest of our beloved country in all future time.
我认为在当前这一重要庄严的时刻，我应当在同胞们面前表达对基督教的深深敬意，我相信道德健全、宗教自由、对宗教责任同真正长期的幸福在本质上乃是不可分割的；感谢仁慈的上帝赐予我们公民权和宗教自由权，守护我们祖辈的劳动成果，上帝保佑我们拥有迄今为止最优越、远超其他民族的制度，让我们团结一致，在未来维护我们深爱的祖国的一切利益。
Fellow-citizens, being fully invested with that high office to which the partiality of my countrymen has called me, I now take an affectionate leave of you. You will bear with you to your homes the remembrance of the pledge I have this day given to discharge all the high duties of my exalted station according to the best of my ability, and I shall enter upon their performance with entire confidence in the support of a just and generous people.
同胞们，我完全是承蒙大家厚爱，才有资格身居此高位，现在请允许我向大家深情告辞。你们回到家后要记住我今天作出的承诺，我将竭尽全力履行我崇高职位所赋予的一切艰巨重任，满怀信心地服务我们正义、慷慨的美利坚民族。
声明：本人仅按照原文翻译内容，演讲内容不代表本人观点。此专栏仅供历史和英语交流学习使用，任何读者皆可引用本人的译本。
希望来学习英语的观众明白：我觉得这些专栏的主要精华在于英语原文，而并非我的译本，我的译本很大程度上只是供来学习历史的观众使用的。本人的英语水平一般，翻译得并不会多么精彩，只能在你看不懂时来帮助你了解这些演讲内容最基本的意思，而且翻译时难免会出现差错，切勿直接完全以我的译本为标准。如发现有翻译错误或者歧义内容，欢迎指正。
希望来学习历史的观众明白：任何历史人物都有一定的局限性，随着时代发展，很多观点看法可能已经不再适用今天的世界，西方的观点也不一定适用于我们。通过了解这些演讲，仅可给我们提供一个更全面了解过去和世界的渠道。我们可以从优秀的历史、当代人物身上学到很多，但是请保持独立思考，理性看待演讲内容，切勿全信或将其奉为真理。
