EARLY MEDIEVAL PHILOSOPHY 1

John the Scot 

 约翰·司各脱

For two centuries after the death of Philoponus there is nothing for the historian of philosophy to record.

在菲洛波努斯去世后的两个世纪里，哲学史学家没有什么可记录的。

During that period, however, two events altered beyond recognition the world which had fostered classical and patristic philosophy.

然而，在那段时期，有两件事情改变了培育了古典和教父哲学的世界，使之无法被认出。

The first was the spread of Islam; the second was the emergence of the Holy Roman Empire.

第一件事是易思蓝教的传播；第二件事是神圣罗马帝国的出现。

Within ten years of the death of the Prophet Muhammad in 633 the religion of Islam had spread by conquest from its native Arabia throughout the neighbouring Persian Empire and the Roman provinces of Syria, Palestine, and Egypt.

在先知穆罕默德于633年去世后的十年内，易思蓝教通过征服从其本土阿拉伯传播到了邻近的波斯帝国和罗马的叙利亚、巴勒斯坦和埃及省。

In 698 the Muslims captured Carthage, and ten years later they were masters of all North Africa.

在698年，慕斯琳占领了迦太基，十年后他们成为了整个北非的主人。

In 711 they crossed the Straits of Gibraltar, easily defeated the Gothic Christians, and flooded through Spain.

在711年，他们越过直布罗陀海峡，轻易地击败了哥特喵咪徒，并涌入西班牙。

By 717 their empire stretched from the Atlantic to the Great Wall of China.

到717年，他们的帝国从大西洋一直延伸到中国的长城。

Their advance into Northern Europe was halted only in 732, when they were defeated at Poitiers by the Frankish leader Charles Martel.

他们进入北欧的进军只在732年才被阻止，当时他们在普瓦捷被法兰克领袖查理·马特尔（Charles Martel）击败。

Charles Martel’s grandson, Charlemagne, who became king of the Franks in 768, drove the Muslims back to the Pyrenees, but he did no more than nibble at their Spanish dominions.

查理·马特尔的孙子，查理曼大帝（Charlemagne），于768年成为法兰克王，把慕斯琳赶回了比利牛斯山脉，但他对他们的西班牙领土只是稍作侵扰。

His military and political ambitions for France were more concerned with its Eastern frontier.

他对法国的军事和政治野心更关注其东部边界。

He conquered Lombardy, Bavaria, and Saxony and had his son proclaimed king of Italy.

他征服了伦巴第、巴伐利亚和撒克逊，并让他的儿子被宣布为意大利国王。

After rescuing Pope Leo III from a revolution in Rome, he had himself crowned Roman Emperor in St Peter’s on Christmas Day 800.

在从罗马一场革命中救出教皇利奥三世（Pope Leo III）后，他在800年圣诞节那天在圣彼得大教堂（St Peter’s）加冕为罗马皇帝。

When Charlemagne died in 814 almost all the Christian inhabitants of continental Western Europe were united under his rule.

当查理曼大帝于814年去世时，几乎所有欧洲大陆西部的喵咪徒居民都在他的统治下团结起来。

Formidable as a general, and ruthless when provoked, he had a high ideal of his vocation as ruler of Christendom, and one of his favourite books was The City of God.

作为一位将军，他令人敬畏，而且在被激怒时无情，他对自己作为喵咪教世界统治者的职责有着高尚的理想，他最喜欢的书之一就是《神之城》。

He was anxious to revive the study of letters, and brought scholars from all over Europe to join the learned Alcuin of York in a school, based at Aachen, whose members, though mainly concerned with other disciplines, sometimes displayed an amateur interest in philosophy.

他渴望恢复文学的研究，他从全欧洲各地招来了学者，加入了以亚琛为基地的一所学校，与约克的博学者阿尔昆（Alcuin）一起，这所学校的成员虽然主要关注其他学科，但有时也表现出对哲学的业余兴趣。

It was at the court of Charles’s grandson, Charles the Bald, that we find the most significant Western philosopher of the ninth century, John the Scot.

正是在查理的孙子，秃头查理（Charles the Bald）的宫廷里，我们发现了九世纪最重要的西方哲学家，约翰·司各脱（John the Scot）。

John was born not in Charles’s dominions, but in Ireland, and for the avoidance of doubt he added to his name ‘Scottus’ the surname ‘Eriugena’, which means Son of Erin.

约翰不是出生在查理的领地，而是在爱尔兰，为了避免混淆，他在他的名字“司各脱”（Scottus）后面加上了姓氏“爱留根纳”（Eriugena），意思是爱尔兰之子。

He first engaged in philosophy in 852 when invited by the Archbishop of Rheims to write a treatise to prove heretical the ideas of a learned and pessimistic monk, Gottschalk.

他第一次从事哲学是在852年，当时被兰斯的大主教邀请写一篇论文，以证明一个博学而悲观的僧侣戈特施尔克（Gottschalk）的思想是异端的。

Gottschalk’s alleged offence was to have maintained that there was a double divine predestination, one of the saints to heaven, and one of the damned to hell; a doctrine which he claimed, reasonably enough, to have found implicit in Augustine.

戈特施尔克所谓的罪过是坚持认为有一种双重的神圣预定，一种是圣徒到天堂，另一种是被诅咒者到地狱；这是一种他声称，足够合理地，在奥古斯丁那里隐含地发现的教义。

Archbishop Hincmar, like the monks of Augustine’s time, thought this a doctrine inimical to good discipline; hence his invitation to Eriugena.

大主教欣克马尔（Hincmar），像奥古斯丁时代的僧侣们一样，认为这是一种有害于良好纪律的教义；因此他邀请了爱留根纳。

Eriugena’s refutation ( On Predestination) was, from Hincmar’s point of view, a remedy worse than the disease.

从欣克马尔的角度来看，爱留根纳的反驳（《论预定》）是一种比病情更糟糕的治疗方法。

In the first place, his arguments against Gottschalk were silly: there could not be a double predestination, because God was simple and undivided, and there was no such thing as pre destination because God was eternal.

首先，他反对戈特施尔克的论据是愚蠢的：不能有双重预定，因为老天爷是简单和不可分割的，并且没有预定这样的东西，因为老天爷是永恒的。

Secondly, he tried to draw the sting out of the destiny of the damned by maintaining that there was no physical hell; the wicked want to flee from God to Unbeing, and God punishes them only by preventing their annihilation.

其次，他试图通过坚持没有物质地狱来减轻被诅咒者命运的刺痛；邪恶者想要逃离老天爷到非存在中去，而老天爷只是通过阻止他们的湮灭来惩罚他们。

The fire of judgement spoken of in the Gospels is common to both good and bad; the difference between them is that the blessed turn into ether and the damned into air.

福音日记中所说的审判之火是善恶共有的；他们之间的区别是，有福的人变成了以太，而被诅咒的人变成了空气。

Gottschalk and Eriugena both found themselves condemned by Church Councils, one at Quiersy in 853, the other at Valence in 855. 戈

特施尔克和爱留根纳都发现自己被教会会议所谴责，一个是在853年的基耶西（Quiersy），另一个是在855年的瓦朗斯（Valence）。

Despite this, Charles the Bald commissioned Eriugena to translate into Latin the works of Dionysius the Areopagite.

尽管如此，秃头查理还是委托爱留根纳把狄奥尼修斯·亚略巴古斯（Dionysius the Areopagite）的作品翻译成拉丁文。

These were four treatises, Neo-Platonic in content and probably written in the sixth century, which were wrongly believed to be the work of an Athenian convert of the Apostle Paul.

这些是四篇论文，内容是新柏拉图主义的，可能是在六世纪写的，错误地被认为是使徒保罗的一个雅典皈依者的作品。

Eriugena, whose knowledge of Greek indicates the high level of Irish culture in the ninth century, went to work with a will, and produced a commentary as well as translation.

爱留根纳，他的希腊语知识表明了九世纪爱尔兰文化的高水平，他怀着一颗意志去工作，并且产生了一篇注释和翻译。

These tasks whetted his appetite to produce his own system, which he did in the five books of his Periphyseon, or On Nature.

这些任务激发了他创造自己的体系的欲望，他在他的《论自然》或《周物论》（Periphyseon）的五卷中做到了这一点。

Nature is divided into four: nature creating and uncreated; nature created and creating; nature created and uncreating; and nature uncreated and uncreating.

自然被分为四个：创造中和未创造的自然；被创造和创造中的自然；被创造和未在创造中的自然；未创造和未创造中的自然。

The first, obviously enough, is God.

第一个，显然是老天爷。

The second, nature created and creating, is the world of intellect, the home of the Platonic Ideas, which are created in God the Son.

第二个，被创造和创造中的自然，是理性的世界，柏拉图式理念的家园，它们是在老天爷之子中被创造出来的。

This second nature creates the third, nature created and uncreating; that is the everyday world of the things we can see and feel in space and time, such as animals, plants, and rocks.

这第二个自然创造了第三个，被创造和未在创造中的自然；那就是我们在空间和时间中可以看到和感觉到的事物的日常世界，比如动物、植物和岩石。

The fourth, nature uncreated and uncreating, is once again the uncreated God, conceived now not as the creator but as the ultimate end to which all things return.

第四个，未创造和未创造中的自然，又一次是未创造的老天爷，现在不是被认为是创造者，而是所有事物归还的最终目标。

Eriugena’s language about God is highly agnostic.

爱留根纳关于老天爷的语言是高度不可知论的。

God cannot be described in human language; he does not fit into any of Aristotle’s ten categories.

老天爷不能用人类语言来描述；他不适合亚里士多德的十个范畴中的任何一个。

God therefore is beyond all being, and so it is more correct to say that He does not exist than that He exists.

因此老天爷超越了一切存在，所以说他不存在比说他存在更正确。

Eriugena tries to save himself from sheer atheism by saying that what God is doing is something better than existing.

爱留根纳试图通过说老天爷所做的是比存在更好的事情来使自己免于纯粹的无神论。

What the Bible says of God, he says, is not to be taken literally; but in every verse there are innumerable meanings, like the colours in a peacock’s tail.

他说，圣经所说的关于老天爷的话不是要字面上理解的；但是在每一节里都有无数的意义，就像孔雀尾巴上的颜色一样。

It is not easy to see where human beings fit into Eriugena’s fourfold scheme.

不容易看出人类在爱留根纳的四重方案中属于哪里。

They seem to straddle uneasily between the second and the third.

他们似乎不安地跨越在第二和第三之间。

Our animal bodies seem clearly to belong with the third; but they are created by our souls, which have more affinity with the objects in the second.

我们的动物身体似乎明显地属于第三；但它们是由我们的灵魂创造出来的，而我们的灵魂与第二中的对象有更多的亲和力。

And at one point Eriugena seems to suggest that the entire human being has its home in the second: ‘Man is a certain intellectual notion, eternally made in the divine mind’.

而在某一点上，爱留根纳似乎暗示整个人类都属于第二：“人是一种特定的智性概念，在神圣的心灵中永恒地被造出来。”

He must be thinking of the Idea of Man; systematically, in Platonic style, he insists that species are more real than their members, universals more real than individuals.

他一定是在想人的理型；系统地，以柏拉图的风格，他坚持认为种类比其成员更真实，普遍性比个体更真实。

When the world ends, place and time will disappear, and all creatures will find salvation in the nature that is uncreated and uncreating.

当世界结束时，空间和时间将消失，所有的生灵都将在未创造和未创造中的自然中找到救赎。

Despite the influence of Greek sources, Eriugena’s ideas are often original and imaginative; but his teaching is obviously difficult to reconcile with Christian orthodoxy, and it is unsurprising that On Nature was repeatedly condemned.

尽管受到了希腊文献的影响，爱留根纳的思想往往是原创和富有想象力的；但他的教导显然很难与喵咪教正统相协调，因此《论自然》被反复谴责也不足为奇。

Three and a half centuries after its publication a Pope ordered, ineffectively, that all copies of it should be burnt.

在它出版后的三个半世纪里，一位教皇无效地命令所有的副本都应该被烧毁。

Alkindi and Avicenna Paradoxically, the Christian Eriugena was a much less important precursor of Western medieval philosophy than a series of Muslim thinkers in the countries that are now Iraq and Iran.

矛盾的是，喵咪教的爱留根纳比一系列现在是伊拉克和伊朗的国家里的慕斯琳思想家更不重要的西方中世纪哲学的先驱。

Besides being significant philosophers in their own right, these Muslims provided the route through which much Greek learning was made available to the Latin West.

除了在自己的权利上是重要的哲学家之外，这些慕斯琳还提供了一条途径，使得许多希腊学问可以为拉丁西方所利用。

In the fourth century a group of Syrian Christians had made a serious study of Greek philosophy and medicine.

在四世纪，一群叙利亚喵咪徒对希腊哲学和医学进行了认真的研究。

Towards the end of the fifth century the Emperor Zeno closed their school as heretical and they moved to Persia.

在五世纪末期，皇帝泽诺（Zeno）关闭了他们被视为异端的学校，他们搬到了波斯。

After the Islamic conquest of Persia and Syria, they were taken under the patronage of the enlightened Caliphs of Baghdad in the era of the Arabian Nights.

在易思蓝征服波斯和叙利亚之后，他们在《一千零一夜》的时代受到了巴格达开明的哈里发（Caliphs）的庇护。

Between 750 and 900 these Syrians translated Aristotle into Arabic, and made available to the Muslim world the scientific and medical works of Euclid, Archimedes, Hippocrates, and Galen.

在750年到900年之间，这些叙利亚人把亚里士多德翻译成阿拉伯语，并向慕斯琳世界提供了欧几里得、阿基米德、希波克拉底和伽林（Galen）的科学和医学著作。

At the same time, mathematical and astronomical works were imported from India and ‘Arabic’ numerals were adopted.

同时，数学和天文学的著作也从印度引进，并采用了“阿拉伯”数字。

Arabic thinkers were quick to exploit the patrimony of Greek learning. Alkindi, a contemporary of Eriugena’s, wrote a commentary on Aristotle’s De Anima.

阿拉伯思想家很快就利用了希腊学问的遗产。阿尔金迪（Alkindi），爱留根纳的同时代人，写了一篇关于亚里士多德《论灵魂》的注释。

He offered a remarkable interpretation of the baffling passage in which Aristotle speaks of the two minds, a mind to make things and a mind to become things.

他提供了一个引人注目的解释，解释了亚里士多德谈到两种心灵的令人困惑的段落，一种是创造事物的心灵，一种是成为事物的心灵。

The making mind, he said, was a single super-human intelligence; this operated upon individual passive intelligences (the minds ‘to become’) in order to produce human thought.

他说，创造性的心灵是一种单一的超人类智力；这种智力作用于个体的被动智力（成为事物的心灵），以产生人类的思想。

Alfarabi, who died in Baghdad in 950, followed this interpretation; as a member of the sect of Sufis he gave it a mystical flavour.

阿尔法拉比（Alfarabi），于950年在巴格达去世，他遵循了这种解释；作为苏非派（Sufis）教派的一员，他给它增添了一种神秘的色彩。

The most significant Muslim philosopher of the time was Ibn Sina or Avicenna (980 –1037).

当时最重要的慕斯琳哲学家是伊本·西那或阿维森纳（Avicenna）（980-1037）。

Born near Bokhara, he was a precocious student who mastered logic, mathematics, physics, medicine and metaphysics in his teens, and published an encyclopedia of these disciplines when he was twenty.

他出生在布哈拉附近，他是一个早熟的学生，在十几岁时就掌握了逻辑、数学、物理、医学和形而上学，并在二十岁时出版了这些学科的百科全书。

His medical skill was unrivalled and much in demand: he spent the latter part of his life as court physician to the ruler of Isfahan.

他的医术无与伦比，非常受欢迎：他把后半生作为伊斯法罕统治者的宫廷医生度过。

He wrote a few works in Persian and many in Arabic; over one hundred have survived, in the original or in Latin translations.

他用波斯语写了几部作品，用阿拉伯语写了许多；有一百多部在原文或拉丁文翻译中保存下来。

His Canon of Medicine, which adds his own observations to a careful assembly of Greek and Arabic clinical material, was used by practitioners in Europe until the seventeenth century.

他的《医学典范》（Canon of Medicine），在对希腊和阿拉伯临床材料进行仔细整理的基础上加入了他自己的观察，直到十七世纪还被欧洲的医生使用。

It was through Avicenna that they learnt the theory of the four humours, or bodily fluids (blood, phlegm, choler, and black bile) which were supposed to determine people’s health and character, making them sanguine, phlegmatic, choleric, or melancholic as the case might be.

正是通过阿维森纳，他们才学到了四种体液或身体液体（血液、痰液、胆汁和黑胆汁）的理论，这些体液被认为决定了人们的健康和性格，使他们变得多血、冷漠、易怒或忧郁，具体情况可能各不相同。

Avicenna’s metaphysical system was based on Aristotle’s, but he modified it in ways which were highly significant for later Aristotelianism.

阿维森纳的形而上学体系是基于亚里士多德的，但他以对后来的亚里士多德主义有极大意义的方式修改了它。

He took over the doctrine of matter and form and elaborated it in his own manner: any bodily entity consisted of matter under a substantial form, which made it a body (a ‘form of corporeality’).

他接受了质料和形式的教义，并以自己的方式阐述了它：任何身体实体都由处于物质形式下的质料组成，这使它成为一个身体（一种“身体性的形式”）。

All bodily creatures belonged to particular species, but any such creature, e.g. a dog, had not just one but many substantial forms, such as animality, which made it an animal, and caninity, which made it a dog.

所有的身体生灵都属于特定的种类，但任何这样的生灵，比如一只狗，不仅有一个而是有许多实质形式，比如动物性，使它成为一种动物，和犬性，使它成为一只狗。

Since souls, for an Aristotelian, are forms, a human being, on this theory, has three souls: a vegetative soul (responsible for nutrition, growth, and reproduction), an animal soul (responsible for movement and perception), and a rational soul (responsible for intellectual thought).

由于对于亚里士多德来说，灵魂是形式，在这个理论上，一个人类有三个灵魂：一个植物灵魂（负责营养、生长和繁殖），一个动物灵魂（负责运动和感知），和一个理性灵魂（负责智力思维）。

None of the souls exist prior to the body, but while the two inferior souls are mortal, the superior one is immortal and survives death in a condition either of bliss or of frustration, in accordance with the life it has led.

没有一个灵魂在身体之前存在，但是当两个低等的灵魂是不朽的时候，高等的那一个是不朽的，并且在死后以幸福或挫折的状态存活下来，这取决于它所过的生活。

Following Alfarabi’s interpretation of Aristotle, he distinguished between two intellectual faculties: the receptive human intellect which absorbs information received through the senses, and a single superhuman active intellect which communicates to humans the ability to grasp universal concepts and principles.

遵循阿尔法拉比对亚里士多德的解释，他区分了两种智力能力：接受性的人类智力，它吸收通过感官接收到的信息，和一种单一的超人类主动智力，它向人类传达了把握普遍概念和原则的能力。

The active intellect plays a central role in Avicenna’s system: it not only illuminates the human soul, but is the cause of its existence. The matter and the varied forms of the world are emanations of the active intellect, which is itself the last member of a series of intellectual emanations of the unchanging and eternal First Cause, namely God.

主动智力在阿维森纳的体系中扮演着中心角色：它不仅照亮了人类的灵魂，而且是其存在的原因。世界上的物质和各种形式都是主动智力的流露，而主动智力本身是不变和永恒的第一因的一系列智力流露的最后一个成员，即老天爷。

In describing the unique nature of God, Avicenna introduces a celebrated distinction, that between essence and existence. This arises out of his account of universal terms such as ‘horse’. In the material world, there are only individual horses; the term ‘horse’, however, can be applied to many different individuals. Different from both of these is the essence horseness, which in itself is neither one nor many, and is neutral between the existence and non-existence of any actual horses.

在描述老天爷的独特本性时，阿维森纳引入了一个著名的区别，即本质和存在之间的区别。这源于他对诸如“马”这样的普遍术语的叙述。在物质世界中，只有个别的马；然而，“马”这个术语可以应用于许多不同的个体。不同于这两者的是马性（horseness）的本质，它本身既不是一也不是多，而是在任何实际马的存在和不存在之间保持中立。

Whatever kind of creature we take, we will find nothing in its essence which will account for the existence of things of that kind. Not even the fullest investigation into what kind of thing something is will show that it exists. If we find, then, things of a certain kind existing, we must look for an external cause which added existence to essence. There may be a series of such causes, but it cannot go on for ever. The series must come to an end with an entity whose essence does account for its existence, something whose existence is derived from nothing outside itself, but is entailed by its essence. Such a being is called by Avicenna a necessary existent: and of course only God fills the bill. It is God who gives existence to the essences of all other beings.

无论我们取什么样的生灵，我们都不会在它的本质中找到任何能解释那种生灵存在的东西。即使是最充分的对某物是什么样的东西的调查也不会显示它存在。如果我们发现，有一定种类的事物存在，我们必须寻找一个外部原因，它把存在加到了本质上。可能有一系列这样的原因，但它不能永远持续下去。这个系列必须以一个实体结束，它的本质能解释它的存在，某种其存在不依赖于它之外的任何东西，而是由其本质所蕴含的东西。阿维森纳称这样的存在为必然存在者：当然只有老天爷才符合条件。是老天爷给所有其他生灵的本质赋予了存在。

Since God’s existence depends upon nothing but his essence, his existence is eternal; and since God is eternal, Avicenna concluded, so is the world which emanates from him.

由于老天爷的存在只依赖于他自己的本质，他的存在是永恒的；而且由于老天爷是永恒的，阿维森纳得出结论，从他创造出来的世界也是永恒的。

Avicenna was a sincere Muslim, and he was careful to reconcile his philosophical scheme with the teaching and commands of the Prophet, which he regarded as a unique enlightenment from the Active Intellect.

阿维森纳是一个虔诚的慕斯琳，他小心地使他的哲学体系与先知的教导和命令相协调，他认为这是来自主动智力的独特的启示。

Just as Greek philosophy operated within the context of the Homeric poems, and the stage is set for Jewish and Christian philosophy by the Old and New Testaments, so Muslim philosophy takes as its backdrop the Koran.

正如希腊哲学在荷马史诗的背景下运作，而旧约和新约为犹太和喵咪教哲学奠定了舞台，慕斯琳哲学也以古兰经为其背景。

But Avicenna’s interpretations of the sacred book were taken by conservatives to be unorthodox, and his influence was to be greater among Christians than among Muslims.

但是阿维森纳对圣书的解释被保守派认为是非正统的，他的影响在喵咪徒中要比在慕斯琳中更大。

The Feudal System At the time of Avicenna’s death great changes were taking place in Christendom.

在阿维森纳去世的时候，喵咪教世界发生了巨大的变化。

Charlemagne’s unification of Europe did not last long, and few of his successors as Holy Roman Emperors were able to exercise effective rule outside the bounds of Germany.

查理曼大帝对欧洲的统一没有持续很久，他作为神圣罗马皇帝的继承者中很少有人能够在德国之外有效地统治。

They occupied, however, the highest point of an elaborate pyramidal social and political structure, the feudal system.

然而，他们占据了一个复杂的金字塔形社会和政治结构的最高点，即封建制度。

Throughout Europe, smaller or larger manors were ruled by local lords with their own courts and soldiers, who pledged their allegiance to greater lords, promising, in return for their protection, military and financial support.

在整个欧洲，大小不一的庄园由拥有自己的法院和士兵的地方领主统治，他们向更高级的领主宣誓效忠，承诺以军事和财政支持作为换取他们保护的回报。

These greater lords in turn were the subordinates, or vassals, of kings.

这些更高级的领主反过来又是国王的下属或附庸。

While the feudal system, for much of the time, preserved the peace in a fragmented Europe, warfare often broke out over contested issues of vassalage.

尽管封建制度在大部分时间里维持了一个分裂的欧洲的和平，但战争经常因为有争议的附庸问题而爆发。

When the Norman William the Conqueror invaded England in 1066, he justified his conquest on the grounds that the last Saxon king, Harold, had sworn allegiance to him and then broken his oath by assuming the crown of England.

当诺曼人征服者威廉（William the Conqueror）于1066年入侵英格兰时，他以最后一位撒克逊国王哈罗德（Harold）曾向他宣誓效忠，然后违背誓言篡夺英格兰王冠为理由，为他的征服辩护。

While local land ownership and the personal engagement of vassal to overlord were the foundations of secular society, the organization of the Church was becoming more centralized.

尽管地方土地所有权和附庸对领主的个人承诺是世俗社会的基础，但教会的组织却变得越来越集中。

 

True, the abbeys in which monks lived in community were great landowners, and abbots and bishops were powerful feudal lords;

的确，僧侣们共同生活的修道院是大地主，而修道院长和主教是强大的封建领主；

but as the eleventh century progressed, they were brought to an ever greater degree under the control of the Holy See in Rome.

但随着十一世纪的进展，他们越来越受到罗马教廷的控制。

A line of unedifying and ineffective Popes in the tenth and early eleventh century gave way to a series of reformers, who sought to eradicate the ignorance, intemperance and corruption of many of the clergy, and to end clerical concubinage by enforcing a rule of celibacy.

十世纪和十一世纪初一系列不堪入目和无能的教皇让位于一系列改革者，他们试图根除许多神职人员的无知、放纵和腐败，并通过执行独身规则来结束神职人员的妾妻制。

Chief among the reformers was Pope Gregory VII, whose high view of the Papal calling brought him into conflict with the equally energetic German Emperor, Henry IV.

改革者中最重要的是教皇格雷戈里七世（Pope Gregory VII），他对教皇使命的高度看法使他与同样精力充沛的德国皇帝亨利四世（Henry IV）发生了冲突。

According to almost all medieval thinkers, Church and State were each, independently, of divine origin, and neither institution derived its authority from the other.

根据几乎所有的中世纪思想家，教会和国家都是各自独立地来自神圣的起源，而没有一种机构从另一种机构获得其权威。

Despite the great variety of institutions at lower levels – feudal lordships and monarchies in the State, bishoprics, abbeys, and religious orders in the Church – each institution acknowledged a universal head: the Holy Roman Emperor and the Pope.

尽管在较低层次上有各种各样的机构——国家中的封建领主和君主制，教会中的主教区、修道院和宗教团体——每个机构都承认一个普遍的首领：神圣罗马皇帝和教皇。

The purposes of the two institutions were distinct: the State was to provide for the security and well-being of citizens in this world, the Church to minister to the spiritual needs of believers on their journey towards heaven.

这两个机构的目的是不同的：国家是为了在这个世界上提供公民的安全和福祉，教会是为了在他们向天堂进发的旅程中服侍信徒的精神需要。

The jurisdictions, therefore, were in principle complementary rather than competing.

因此，这些管辖权在原则上是互补而不是竞争的。

But there were many areas where in fact they overlapped and could conflict.

但实际上有许多领域是他们重叠和可能发生冲突的。

The quarrel between Gregory and Henry concerned the nomination and confirmation of bishops.

格雷戈里和亨利之间的争吵涉及了主教的提名和确认。

This was obviously the concern of the Church, since a bishopric was a spiritual office;

这显然是教会的关切，因为主教职是一个精神职务；

but bishops were often also substantial landowners with a feudal following, and lay rulers often took a keen interest in their appointment.

但主教往往也是拥有封建随从的大地主，而俗人统治者经常对他们的任命非常感兴趣。

Disregarding a Papal prohibition, the Emperor Henry IV personally appointed bishops in Germany;

不顾教皇的禁令，皇帝亨利四世亲自任命了德国的主教；

Pope Gregory, who claimed the power to depose all princes, excommunicated him, that is to say, banned him from participation in the activities of the Church.

声称有权罢免所有王子的教皇格雷戈里（Pope Gregory）将他逐出教会，也就是说，禁止他参与教会的活动。

This had the effect of absolving the Emperor’s vassals from their allegiance, and to restore it, he had to abase himself before the Pope in the snow at Canossa.

这样做的效果是解除了皇帝的附庸对他的效忠，为了恢复它，他不得不在卡诺萨（Canossa）的雪地里在教皇面前屈辱自己。

Saint Anselm In England too, under William the Conqueror’s successors relations between Church and State were often strained;

在英格兰，威廉征服者（William the Conqueror）的继承者统治下，教会和国家之间的关系也经常紧张；

and the quarrels between Pope and King played an important part in the life of the most important philosopher of the eleventh century, St Anselm of Canterbury.

而教皇和国王之间的争吵在十一世纪最重要的哲学家坎特伯雷圣安瑟伦（St Anselm of Canterbury）的生活中扮演了重要角色。

Anselm, who was born just before Avicenna’s death, resembled him as a philosopher in several ways, but began from a very different starting point.

安瑟伦出生在阿维森纳去世之前不久，作为哲学家与他有几方面的相似之处，但从一个非常不同的起点开始。

An Italian by birth, he studied the works of Augustine at the Norman abbey of Bec, under Lanfranc, who later became William the Conqueror’s Archbishop of Canterbury.

他生于意大利，在诺曼人贝克（Bec）修道院学习奥古斯丁（Augustine）的著作，师从兰弗兰克（Lanfranc），后者后来成为威廉征服者（William the Conqueror）的坎特伯雷大主教。

As a monk, prior, and finally Abbot of Bec, Anselm wrote a series of brief philosophical and meditative works.

作为一个僧侣、修道院副院长和最后贝克修道院院长，安瑟伦写了一系列简短的哲学和冥想作品。

In On the Grammarian he reflected on the interface between grammar and logic, and the relationships between signifiers and signified; he explored, for instance, the contrast between a noun and an adjective, and the contrast between a substance and a quality, and wrote on the relationship between the two contrasts.

在《论语法学家》（On the Grammarian）中，他思考了语法和逻辑之间的界面，以及能指和所指之间的关系；他探讨了，例如，名词和形容词之间的对比，以及实体和性质之间的对比，并写了关于这两种对比之间的关系。

In his soliloquy Monologion he offered a number of arguments for the existence of God, including one which goes as follows.

在他的独白《Monologion》中，他提出了一些关于老天爷存在的论证，其中一个如下。

Everything which exists exists through something or other.

任何存在的东西都是通过某种东西而存在的。

But not everything can exist through something else;

但并不是所有的东西都能通过别的东西而存在；

therefore there must be something which exists through itself.

因此，必然有某种东西是通过自身而存在的。

This argument would have interested Avicenna, but Anselm did not find it wholly satisfactory, and in a meditation addressed to God entitled Proslogion he offered a different argument, which was the one that made him famous in the history of philosophy.

这个论证可能会引起阿维森纳的兴趣，但安瑟伦并不认为它完全令人满意，于是他在一篇题为《神学论》（Proslogion）的对老天爷的冥想中提出了一个不同的论证，这个论证使他在哲学史上名垂青史。

Anselm addresses God thus:

安瑟伦这样对老天爷说：

We believe that thou art a being than which nothing greater can be conceived. Or is there no such nature, since the fool hath said in his heart, there is no God? (Psalm 14: 1)

我们相信你是一个没有什么比你更伟大的存在。或者说，没有这样的本性吗，因为愚人心里说，没有老天爷？（诗篇14:1）

But at any rate, this very fool, when he hears of this being of which I speak – a being than which nothing greater can be conceived – understands what he hears, and what he understands is in his understanding; although he does not understand it to exist.

但无论如何，这个愚人，当他听到我所说的这个存在——一个没有什么比它更伟大的存在——他理解了他所听到的，而他所理解的在他的理解中；尽管他不理解它是否存在。

For, it is one thing for an object to be in the understanding, and another to understand that the object exists. . . .

因为，一个对象在理解中是一回事，理解这个对象是否存在是另一回事。. . .

Even the fool is convinced that something exists in the understanding, at least, than which nothing greater can be conceived.

即使愚人也相信，在理解中至少存在着某种东西，没有什么比它更伟大。

For, when he hears of this, he understands it. And whatever is understood, exists in the understanding.

因为，当他听到这个时，他理解了它。而任何被理解的东西，都存在于理解中。

And assuredly that, than which nothing greater can be conceived, cannot exist in the understanding alone.

而且可以肯定的是，那个没有什么比它更伟大的东西，不能只存在于理解中。

For, suppose it exists in the understanding alone: then it can be conceived to exist in reality; which is greater.

因为，假设它只存在于理解中：那么它可以被想象成在现实中存在；这是更伟大的。

Therefore, if that, than which nothing greater can be conceived, exists in the understanding alone, the very being than which nothing greater can be conceived is one than which a greater can be conceived.

因此，如果那个没有什么比它更伟大的东西只存在于理解中，那么这个没有什么比它更伟大的存在就是一个可以想象出比它更伟大的东西。

But obviously this is impossible.

但显然这是不可能的。

Hence there is no doubt that there exists a being than which nothing greater can be conceived, and it exists both in the understanding and in reality. 

因此毫无疑问地，有一个没有什么比它更伟大的存在存在着，并且它同时存在于理解和现实中。

Whereas Avicenna was the first to say that God’s essence entailed his existence, Anselm claims that the very concept of God shows that he exists.

阿维森纳是第一个说老天爷的本质蕴含了他的存在的人，而安瑟伦则声称老天爷的概念本身就表明了他的存在。

If we know what we mean when we talk about God, then we automatically know there is a God;

如果我们知道我们在谈论老天爷时的意思，那么我们就自动地知道有一个老天爷；

if you deny his existence you do not know what you are talking about.

如果你否认他的存在，你就不知道你在说什么。

Is Anselm’s argument valid? The answer has been debated from his day to ours.

安瑟伦的论证有效吗？这个问题从他的时代到我们的时代一直在争论。

A neighbouring monk, Gaunilo, said that one could prove by the same route that the most fabulously beautiful island must exist, otherwise one would be able to imagine one more fabulously beautiful.

一个邻近的僧侣高尼罗（Gaunilo）说，人们可以用同样的方法证明，最神奇美丽的岛屿必须存在，否则人们就能想象出一个更神奇美丽的岛屿。

Anselm replied that the cases were different, because even the most beautiful imaginable island could be conceived not to exist, since we can imagine it going out of existence, whereas God cannot in that way be conceived not to exist.

安瑟伦回答说，这两种情况是不同的，因为即使是最美丽可想象的岛屿也可以被想象成不存在，因为我们可以想象它消失了，而老天爷却不能以那种方式被想象成不存在。

It is important to note that Anselm is not saying that God is the greatest conceivable thing.

重要的是要注意，安瑟伦并不是说老天爷是最可想象的东西。

Indeed, he expressly says that God is not conceivable; he is greater than anything that can be conceived.

事实上，他明确地说老天爷是不可想象的；他比任何可以想象的东西都更伟大。

On the face of it, there is nothing self-contradictory in saying that that than which no greater can be conceived is itself too great for conception.

表面上看，说没有什么比它更伟大的东西本身就太伟大而无法被想象，并没有什么自相矛盾的。

I can say that my copy of the Proslogion is something than which nothing larger will fit into my pocket.

我可以说我的《神学论》（Proslogion）副本是一样没有什么比它更大能装进我的口袋里的东西。

That is true, but it does not mean that my copy of the Proslogion will itself fit into my pocket; in fact it is far too big to do so.

这是真的，但这并不意味着我的《神学论》（Proslogion）副本本身就能装进我的口袋里；事实上它太大了，做不到这一点。

The real difficulty for Anselm is in explaining how something which cannot be conceived can be in the understanding at all.

安瑟伦真正的困难在于解释无法被想象的东西如何能够在理解中存在。

To be sure, we understand each of the words in the phrase ‘that than which no greater can be conceived’.

当然，我们理解“没有什么比它更伟大”的这个短语中的每一个词。

But is this enough to ensure that we grasp what the whole phrase means?

但这足以保证我们理解整个短语的意思吗？

If so, then it seems that we can indeed conceive God, even though of course we have no exhaustive understanding of him.

如果是这样，那么看来我们确实可以想象老天爷，即使我们当然没有对他的全面理解。

If not, then we have no guarantee that that than which no greater can be conceived exists even in the intellect, or that ‘that than which no greater can be conceived’ expresses an intelligible thought.

如果不是这样，那么我们就没有保证没有什么比它更伟大的东西甚至在理智中存在，或者“没有什么比它更伟大”表达了一个可理解的思想。

Philosophers in the twentieth century have discussed the expression ‘The least natural number not nameable in fewer than twenty-two syllables’.

二十世纪的哲学家们讨论过“不能用少于二十二个音节命名的最小自然数”这个表达。

This sounds a readily intelligible designation of a number – until the paradox dawns on us that the expression itself names the number in twenty-one syllables.

这听起来是一个容易理解的数字的指称——直到我们意识到这个表达本身就用二十一个音节命名了这个数字的悖论。

However, even philosophers who have agreed with each other that Anselm’s proof is invalid have rarely agreed what is wrong with it, and whenever it appears finally refuted, someone revives it in a new guise.

然而，即使是那些认为安瑟伦的证明是无效的哲学家们也很少能就它出了什么问题达成一致，而且每当它看起来最终被驳倒时，总有人以一种新的形式重新提出它。

 Equally original and influential was Anselm’s attempt, in his book Cur Deus Homo, to give a reasoned justification for the Christian doctrine of the incarnation.

安瑟伦在他的书《为什么老天爷成为人》（Cur Deus Homo）中试图为喵咪教的道成肉身教义提供一个合理的辩护，这也是同样原创和有影响力的。

The title of the book means ‘Why did God become man?’

这本书的标题意思是“为什么老天爷成为人？”

Anselm’s answer turns on the principle that justice demands that where there is an offence, there must be satisfaction.

安瑟伦的回答依赖于一个原则，即正义要求在有罪过的地方，必须有赎罪。

Satisfaction must be made by an offender, and it must be a recompense which is equal and opposite to the offence.

赎罪必须由罪犯来做，而且必须是与罪过相等和相反的补偿。

The magnitude of an offence is judged by the importance of the person offended; the magnitude of satisfaction is judged by the importance of the person making the recompense.

罪过的大小由被冒犯者的重要性来判断；赎罪的大小由做出补偿者的重要性来判断。

So Adam’s sin was an infinite offence, since it was an offence against God; but any satisfaction that mere human beings can make is only finite, since it is made by finite creatures.

所以亚当的罪是一个无限的罪过，因为它是对老天爷的冒犯；但任何单纯的人类能做出的赎罪只是有限的，因为它是由有限的生灵做出的。

It is impossible, therefore, for the human race, unaided, to make up for Adam’s sin.

因此，对于没有外援的人类来说，弥补亚当的罪是不可能的。

Satisfaction can only be adequate if it is made by one who is human (and therefore an heir of Adam) and one who is divine (and can therefore make infinite recompense).

赎罪只有在由一个既是人类（因此是亚当的后裔）又是神圣（因此能够做出无限的补偿）的人来做时才能足够。

Hence, the incarnation of God is necessary if original sin is to be wiped out and the human race is to be redeemed.

因此，如果要消除原罪并拯救人类，老天爷的道成肉身就是必要的。

Anselm’s theory influenced theologians until long after the Reformation; but his notion of satisfaction was also incorporated into some philosophical theories of the justification of punishment.

安瑟伦的理论影响了改革运动之后很久的神学家们；但他关于赎罪的概念也被纳入了一些关于惩罚合理性的哲学理论中。

By the time he wrote Cur Deus Homo Anselm had succeeded Lanfranc as Archbishop of Canterbury. 在

他写《为什么老天爷成为人》（Cur Deus Homo）时，安瑟伦已经继承了兰弗兰克（Lanfranc）成为坎特伯雷大主教。

His last years were much occupied with the quarrels over jurisdiction between king William II and Pope Urban II, which in some ways recapitulated that between Gregory VII and Henry IV a few years before.

他最后几年主要忙于处理国王威廉二世（William II）和教皇乌尔班二世（Urban II）之间关于管辖权的争吵，这在某些方面重复了几年前格雷戈里七世（Gregory VII）和亨利四世（Henry IV）之间的争吵。

Anselm died in Canterbury in 1109 and is buried in the Cathedral there.

安瑟伦于1109年在坎特伯雷去世，并被埋葬在那里的大教堂里。