罗斯福演讲 四大自由 The Four Freedoms
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:
参议长，众议长先生，第77届的国会议员们:
(注:Mr. President这里指The President of the Senate 参议院议长 参议院议长一职由美利坚合众国副总统vice president担任。时任副总统的是Henry Agard Wallace
Mr. Speaker这里指The Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives 众议院院长)
I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.
在这个合众国历史上前所未有的时刻，我向你们，新国会的议员演讲。我用”前所未有”这个词，是因为美国的安全从未受到像今天这样严重的外部威胁。
Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the States -- ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.
自从我们的政府在1789年宪法的签署下永久成立，我们历史上大多数的危机时期都缘于内部事务。而且幸运的，只有其中的一个——四年内战——曾威胁到我们国家的统一。今天，感谢上帝，分布在四十八个州的一亿三千万美国人已经忘记了我们国家统一中的南北分歧。
(注:points of the compass罗盘方位，这里借指罗盘的南北，即美国内战中南北两方的冲突)
It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.
确实，1914年之前，美国经常被其他大洲的事务所牵涉。为在地中海和太平洋维护美国的权利，为了和平商业的原则，我们甚至曾两次与欧洲国家陷入战争，还参与了在西印度许多未正式宣战的冲突。但绝未有一次对我们国家的安全或持续的独立产生严重威胁。
What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.
我想传达的是这样的历史真相，即合众国作为一个国家，一直以来都维持着反对—明确，母庸置疑的反对——对任何将我们锁在古长城之后，排除于进步文明行列之外的企图。今天，想想我们的孩子，还有我们孩子的孩子，我们反对对我们和美洲的任何其他地区的强制孤立。
That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.
这么多年以来，我们的决心已被证实，例如，在早些年代，法国大革命接着的四分之一个世纪的战争之中。尽管由于法国据有西印度和路易斯安那的立足之地，拿破仑的战争的确威胁到了美国的利益，尽管我们参与了维护我们和平贸易权力的1812年战争。然而，显而易见的，无论是法国还是大不列颠，抑或任何其他国家，都没有统治整个世界的打算。
And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.
同样的，从1815年到1914年——整整99年——在欧洲或亚洲，没有任何一场战争，对我们或其他美洲国家的未来构成了真正的威胁。
Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.
除了在墨西哥的马克西米利安插曲，没有任何外国势力寻求在这个半球建立自己的势力。而且在大西洋的英国舰队一直以来都属于友好势力；现在仍是。
（注:马克西米利安插曲，即马克西米利安墨西哥称帝的事件。马克西米利安，全名费迪南德·马克西米利安·约瑟夫，奥地利大公，”墨西哥皇帝”。墨西哥内战期间，反对华雷斯自由主义政府的墨西哥保守派和寻求扩张帝国势力的法国皇帝拿破仑三世之间策划了马克西米利在墨西哥安的称帝，并取得一定成功。但在支持他的法国军队在内战结束的美国的要求下撤走后，他的政权也迅速瓦解，马克西米利安也在克雷塔罗郊外的一座山上被处决。)
(马克西米利安插曲，即马克西米利安墨西哥称帝的事件。马克西米利安，全名费迪南德·马克西米利安·约瑟夫，奥地利大公，”墨西哥皇帝”（1832年7月6日生于奥地利维也纳，1867年6月19日死于墨西哥克雷塔罗）。他是弗朗西斯·约瑟夫皇帝的弟弟，曾在奥地利海军中担任少将，曾担任伦巴第-威尼西亚王国（维也纳会议后建立的由奥地利控制的王国）的总督。1863年，误认为是墨西哥人民把他选为皇帝，登上了墨西哥的皇位；事实上，这个提议是墨西哥保守派和法国皇帝拿破仑三世之间的策划，前者希望推翻贝尼托·华雷斯的自由主义政府，后者则希望从墨西哥索债并在那里实现帝国雄心。在法国军队承诺支持之下，马克西米利安与他的妻子卡洛塔（比利时国王利奥波德一世的女儿）一起驶向墨西哥。马克西米利安于1864年6月10日加冕为皇帝，他试图推行家长式的怀柔政策，将自己视为印第安农民的保护者。他支持华雷斯的全面改革（这招致了地主们的不满），并决心废除农奴制，他拒绝归还华雷斯没收的大量教会财产，从而与罗马天主教教派对立。然而，国库空虚，他不得不用自己作为贵族的收入来支付日常开支。
到了1865年4月，法国军队成功地巩固了马克西米利安的地位，将华雷斯几乎赶到了北部的德克萨斯州。但就在这个月，美国内战结束，美国要求法国军队从墨西哥撤出，理由是他们的活动违反了门罗主义。卡洛塔前往欧洲，向拿破仑三世和教皇皮乌斯九世寻求援助，但她的努力毫无结果，她的情绪彻底崩溃了。法国军队于1867年3月撤出，华雷斯和他的军队回到了墨西哥城。马克西米利安拒绝退位，认为他不能抛弃 "他的人民"做这样不光荣地的事。墨西哥保守派的支持者建议他成为帝国军队的最高指挥官。在克雷塔罗，马克西米利安的小部队被包围，断粮，在最后被出卖而投降（1867年5月15日）。尽管维克多·雨果、朱塞佩·加里波第和许多欧洲王室首脑都向华雷斯请愿，留马克西米利安一条活路，但墨西哥总统拒绝放过他，因为在这场最近的摆脱外国统治的独立斗争中，已经有成千上万的墨西哥人丧生。1867年6月19日，马克西米利安在克雷塔罗郊外的一座山上被处决。)
Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.
即使是在世界大战爆发的1914年，能威胁到美洲本土未来的危险依然很小。但时过境迁，正如我们所记得的，美国人民开始意识到民主国家的接连垮台对我们的民主所意味的。
We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.
我们不必过分强调凡尔赛和约的缺陷。我们也不必因民主国家未能处理战后重建问题而喋喋不休。
我们应该牢记的是，1919年的和平条约远没有在慕尼黑会议之前就存在的绥靖式和平那样不公正，而这种绥靖式和平正是在那暴政的新秩序之下蔓延开来，试图将暴政传播到每一个大洲。
但美国人民将坚决如一的反对暴政。
I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.
我想每个现实主义者都知道，生活在民主之下此刻在世界的每一处受到直接攻击—或陷入战火，抑或被那些试图在尚处和平的国家破坏团结，挑起不和的人所秘密传播的恶毒宣传所诘难。在漫长的16个月里，这一攻势已经完全摧毁了数量惊人的大小独立国家的民主生活模式。而且这一攻势现仍在进行，威胁着那些大大小小的其他国家。
Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the Congress information of the state of the union," I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.
因此，作为你们的总统，我正履行着”向国会提供国情咨文”的宪法规定义务，尽管令人不悦，但我认为有必要通报的是，我们国家和民主的安全前途不可避免的涉及到我们境外的所发生的事件。
（注:The State Of The Union 国情咨文 美国政府的施政纲领，主要阐明美国总统每年面临的国内外情况，以及政府将要采取的政策措施。按照美国惯例，每年年初，现任总统都要在国会做年度报告，阐述政府的施政方针，被称为“国情咨文”。）
Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere -- yes, many times over.
武装保卫民主的行动正在四大洲英勇的进行。如果这些抵抗失败，欧洲，亚洲，非洲和澳洲的所有人口和资源都将被征服者占有。我们要知道的是，那四大洲的人口和资源的总和都远超整个西半球—是的，超过好几倍。
In times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.
在如今的时代，那些吹嘘美国即使不做任何准备，绑着一只手，也能用另一只手和整个世界抗衡的人是不成熟的—而且，顺带着说，也是不真实的。
No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.
任何现实的美国人都不能指望从独裁者那里得到和平，国际宽容或恢复真正的独立，或世界裁军，或言论自由，或宗教自由——甚至是有利益的商贸。这样的和平将让我们和我们的邻国毫无安全可言。那些愿意放弃基本自由权力来换取短暂安全的人，不配拥有自由和安全。
As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement. We must especially be ware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.
我们可能会对我们国家的慈悲心肠而骄傲；但我们不能成为缩头乌龟。我们必须时刻警惕那些大张旗鼓鼓吹绥靖”主义”的人。我们必须谨防那些小部分自私自利的小人，他们会剪断美国之鹰的翅膀，只为中饱私囊。
I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.
我最近已经指出，如果独裁国家赢得这场战争，现代战争将以多快的速度将战火烧到我们当中，这是我们最终必然会面对的。
There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.
有不少闲言碎语在说，我们能免受来自大洋彼岸的直接的入侵。显然，只要英国海军实力尚存，就不存在这样的危险。即使没有英国海军，任何敌对势力也大概率不会蠢到用登陆部队横渡千里大西洋来进攻我们，直到他已经获取了支持这样行动的战略基地。
But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe -- particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.
但我们从欧洲过去几年的经验中学到了不少——特别是挪威的教训中，其重要港口在蓄谋已久的变节和突袭中被占领。入侵这个半球的第一步不会是常规军队的登陆。那些战略要点将会被秘密特工和受蛊惑者所占领——他们中的相当一部分人已经渗入这里和拉美了，只要侵略国保持攻势，他们，而不是我们，将是选择他们进攻的世界，地点和方式的一方。
And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost exclusively -- to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.
这就是为什么在今天美洲的所有共和国的未来是这样岌岌可危。这就是为什么这次传达到国会的年度咨文在我们国家的历史上是如此独特。这就是为什么每一个政府行政部门和国会的成员都面对着如此大的责任，如此大的义务。当务之急是，我们的行动和政策应主要——几乎完全——致力于应对这样的境外威胁。因为我们所有的国内问题现在都是这一紧急状况的一部分。
Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.
正如我们的内政国策基于对我们国内所有同胞权利和尊严的尊重，我们的外事国策也基于对所有大小国家权利和尊严的尊重。而最终道义必胜。
Our national policy is this:
我们的国策是这样：
First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.
首先，在深刻表达公众意愿并避免党派偏见之下，我们致力于全面国防。
Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.
第二，在深刻表达公众意愿并避免党派偏见之下，我们致力于全力支持全球各地那些坚定不移抵抗侵略，从而使战争远离我们半球的人民。借此支持，我们表明我们对民主事业必将取胜的决心，并且强化我们国家的防御和安全问题。
Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.
第三，在深刻表达公众意愿并避免党派偏见之下，我们致力于这样的主张，即道德原则和对我们自身安全的考虑将永不会允许我们默许受侵略者支配，绥靖者赞成的和平。我们都知道持久的和平绝不能以牺牲他人自由为代价取得。
In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.
在近来的全国大选中，两大政党之间对于这一国策方面而言并没有本质区别。在美国选民面前，这一立场并没有过争议。今天，万分明显的是，全国各地的美国公民在认识到这一明确危险后，都会要求并支持迅速且完全的行动。
Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases -- and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.
因此，当务之急是立即有力的推进我们军备制造的生产增长。工业和劳工的领袖们已经对我们的号召做出回应。产速的目标已经定下。有些目标将提前达成，有些目标我们将按期完成，另一些目标将有稍许但不严重的延期。但有些目标—我遗憾的讲，一些十分重要的目标—我们都将为计划完成之缓慢而关切。
The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.
然而，陆军和海军在过去一年里已取得了实质性的进步。实践的经验在不断改进并加速我们的生产方式。而今天的最好成绩对明天来说仍不够好。
I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.
我并不满意于到目前为止取得的进展。此项目的负责人是在训练，能力和爱国主义等方面的最佳代表。他们也不满于目前取得的进展。直至任务完成之前，我们中的任何一人都不会感到满意。
No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.
无论初始目标设定的或太高或太低，我们的目的都是要求达到最快最好的结果。
To give you two illustrations:
为你们举两个例子:
We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.
我们在生产完整飞机的任务上误期。我们夜以继日的工作以解决数不胜数的问题并赶上进度。
We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.
我们提前完成了建造战舰的任务，但我们仍在工作，以至于更超前。
To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.
将这个国家从和平时期生产民用器具的基准转变为战争时期生产战时器械的基准绝非易事。最困难之处在于计划之初，那时新的工具，新的厂房设备，新的生产线，新的造船台都必须首先在实际的产物开始稳定且迅速流出之前建造完成。
The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.
当然，国会必须时刻保证对计划进展的了解。然而，正如国会自己也很容易意识到的是，有某些信息，系关我们自己和我们所支持的国家的安全，这些信息必须被保密。
New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.
新环境始终对我们的安全提出新要求。我要求国会大量增加新的拨款和授权，以进行我们已开始的工作。
I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.
我还要求本届国会提供许可和充足资金来生产额外的军火和各种战争物资，支援那些正和侵略国交战的国家。我们要充当他们以及我们自身的军火库，以最有效，最直接发挥我们的作用。他们不需要人力，只需要价值数十亿美元的用于防御的武器。
The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.
当付款期限将至，他们可能将没有能力用现金全款支付。但我们不能，也不会，和他们说他们必须投降，仅仅因为他们目前无力支付他们必要的武器。
I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.
我不建议为他们提供用来购买这些武器的贷款——要以美元偿还的贷款。我建议让这些国家能够继续在美国获取战争物资，使他们的订单符合我们的计划。如果时机已到，几乎他们所有的物资，都将对我们的防御有所贡献。
Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.
采取军事专家和海军权威的建议，并考虑我国的最佳防御方案，我们将可以自由的决定我们应该留在国内多少军备，支援我们国外的盟友多少装备，这些国家的决心和英勇抗争，为我们提供了充足时间，来为我们的防御做好准备。
For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.
我们送往国外的物资将在战事结束后的一段合理的时间，以相似的物资被偿还，或者我们也可以选择我们所需，他们所产的其他的许多种货品。
Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge."
让我们对民主国家说:“我们美国人极其关注你们捍卫自由的战争。我们正投入我们的能量。我们的资源，我们的组织力来给予你们恢复并维持一个自由世界的力量。我们会将数量不断增长的舰船，飞机，坦克，枪支送往你们。这就是我们的目的，也是我们的承诺。”
In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid -- Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.
为实现这一目的，我们绝不会被独裁者的威胁吓倒，他们会将我们对那些敢于抵抗他们侵略的民主国家的援助，视为是违反国际法或战争行为。这样的援助——这样的援助并不是战争行为，即使独裁者单方面宣布它是。
And when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.
当独裁者——如果他们这样做——准备向我们发动战争，他们绝不会等我方采取战争行为才发动战争。
They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.
他们没有等挪威，比利时或是荷兰明确采取战争行为才进攻他们。他们唯一的兴趣就是一种新的单方面的国际法，这种国际法在遵守上缺乏相互关系，因而成为一种他们压迫他人的工具。我们美国未来几代的幸福，就可能取决于我们能让我们的援助有多有效，多及时。没有人能讲出我们可能即将面临的紧急情况的确切描述。当国家的命运受到威胁时，它绝不能束手束脚。
Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.
是的，我们必须做好准备，我们所有人都要准备，为紧急情况——几乎与战争一样紧急——的需求做出牺牲。无论什么会阻碍任何一种防御准备工作的速率和效率，都必须给国家需求让步。
A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.
一个自由国家有权期待所有群体的充分合作。一个自由国家有权期望商业，劳工，农业的领袖起带头作用，不是在其他群体里，而是在他们自己的群体里。
The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.
对付在我们之间的那些少数懒汉和麻烦鬼的最好方式莫过于用爱国主义的事例羞辱他们，如果不起作用，那就用政府的最高权威来拯救政府。
As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.
正如人不能只依靠面包而活，人也不能只靠武器战斗。那些保卫我们的人和那些在他们身后建立防御的人必须拥有耐力和勇气，这来自于对他们所捍卫的生活方式的坚定不移的信念。我们所呼吁的有力举措不能以无视所有值得为之奋斗的事物为基础。
The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.
国家对于那些已经完成，让美国人民意识到美国民主生活的维持对他们个人利益的意义的事获得了极大的满足和十分的力量。这些事使我们的人民更坚韧，恢复了他们的信仰，加强了他们对我们准备保护的制度的忠诚。
Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.
当然现在我们并不应该停止思考社会和经济问题，这些问题是社会变革的根本原因，而社会变革正是当今世界的首要因素。因为一个健康且强大的民主制度的基础并没有什么秘密可言。
The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:
我们人民所期待的政治和经济制度的基本主体很简单，他们是:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
年轻人和其他群体的机会均等。
Jobs for those who can work.
能劳动之人能得到工作。
Security for those who need it.
所需安全之人能得到安全。
The ending of special privilege for the few.
终结少数人所享有的特权。
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
保护所有人享有公民自由。
The enjoyment -- The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.
享受——享受科技进步成果所带来的更广泛的，不断上涨的生活标准。
These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
这些简单，基本的事在我们所在的混乱且难以置信的复杂的现代世界绝不能被忽视。我们经济和政治体制的内在持久的力量正是取决于这些期望被履行的程度。
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:
很多和我们社会经济相关的问题都需要立即改善。如:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
我们应该让更多的公民受到养老保险和失业保险的保障。
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
我们应该扩宽受到充足的医疗保障的机会。
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.
我们应该制定一个更好的就业体系，让那些应得或需要工作的人能得到工作。
I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.
我已经号召过人们做出个人牺牲，我也确信几乎所有美国人都愿意回应这一号召。这种牺牲的一部分意味着支付更高的税。在预算上，我建议将这新增的税款的更多部分分配给伟大的防御计划。任何人都不应该试图，或被允许从这一计划获利，我们也应该始终以按能力纳税的原则，来指导我们的立法。
If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.
如果国会能坚持这些原则，那些优先考虑爱国主义而不是一己私利的选民，就会给予你他们的掌声。
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.
在我们寻求安全保障的未来，我们期望一个建立在四项基本人类自由的世界。
The first is freedom of speech and expression -- everywhere in the world.
首先的是言论及表达自由——在世界各地都应如此。
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way -- everywhere in the world.
第二是每个人以自己的方式敬奉神明的自由(宗教自由)——在世界各地都应如此。
The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.
第三是免受贫困的自由，这在世界角度上意味着经济理解，这将保障每个国家都能为其国民提供健康的和平时期生活——在世界各地都应如此。
The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.
第四是免受恐惧的自由，这在世界角度意味着世界范围的军备裁减，以这样彻底的方式，直至没有国家可以对其邻国构成武装入侵威胁——世界各地都应如此。
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
这并非远在千年以后的幻想。这是我们现在这一代人能够达到的世界明确基础。这一世界正是那些独裁者企图用武力建立的所谓”新秩序”的暴政的最对立面。
To that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
我们以一个更伟大的概念反对新秩序——道德秩序。一个良好的社会能无畏的面对世界统治和外国革命之流。
Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
自从我们美国的历史开始，我们就一直处于一种变革，一种不断地，和平的革命，一种稳定的，无声的革命，自适应于不断变化的外部条件的革命，而从没有什么集中营和石灰沟。我们寻求的世界秩序是自由国家相互合作，共同在一个友好的，文明的社会奋斗。
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.
这个国家已经将自己的命运交予其数百万的自由的人民的手中，脑中和心中，将其对自由的信仰置于上帝的指导之下。自由意味着在任何地方人权的至高无上。我们将支持给与那些通过抗争来争取那些权力并捍卫那些权力的人。我们的力量来自我们对目标的团结一致。
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
对此崇高理想，我们必胜。
