1937年 富兰克林·罗斯福总统 就职演讲
1937年1月20日，富兰克林·罗斯福正式在华盛顿特区连任美国总统。
对内方面，罗斯福总统任内继续实施新政改革，他于1937年对美国法院进行了改组，并整顿了民主党，削弱了新政的反对者，许多批评者将罗斯福称为“独裁者”，但罗斯福不予理会，继续推动美国实现复兴；1937年，日本对中国发动全面入侵，罗斯福开始在国内呼吁民众反对侵略国，试图打破美国国内的孤立主义情绪，但却遭到了大规模反对，只得作罢；1938年，罗斯福通过了《扩充海军法》，以应对日本不断壮大的军事威胁；1939年，欧洲爆发战事，嗅到危机的罗斯福总统决定重整美国的军备，他提拔了马歇尔作为美国陆军参谋长，全权负责此事；1940年，罗斯福决心复兴美国的军用工厂，全力准备可能到来的战争。
对外方面，1936年，美英法续签了《伦敦海军条约》，上次签署该条约的五国中，日本和意大利已然拒绝续签该条约；1937年，日本制造卢沟桥事变，以此为借口对中国发动了全面入侵，严重威胁到了美国的在华利益和亚太利益，美国于战争爆发后，火速转移本国在华资产；1937年12月，美国海军炮艇“帕奈号”在护送美国商船转移物资和公民时，遭到了日军战机袭击，导致美军“帕奈号”炮艇沉没，前来支援的英军舰艇也遭到了日军袭击，引发了英美和日本之间的外交风波，最终日本声称帕奈号事件为误伤，对英美进行道歉，并全额赔偿该事件对两国造成的损失，双方达成和解；帕奈号事件几天后，日军在中国南京制造了惨绝人寰的大屠杀，该消息很快引起了整个国际社会轩然大波，许多国家对日本的暴行进行了谴责；1938年，美国宣布对日本进行“道义禁运”，从此中止向日本出售多数可直接用于战争的商品，包括飞机、飞机部件、引擎、炸弹等等；同年，美国同拉美国家发表了《利马宣言》，各国宣布团结一致，共同反对外部势力入侵美洲；同年，德国先是吞并了奥地利，又向捷克斯洛伐克索取苏台德地区，引起巨大危机，英法与德意剑拔弩张，罗斯福致信希特勒，呼吁和平解决问题，最终英法向德意妥协，签订了《慕尼黑协定》，将苏台德归属于德国，换取德国“永不扩张”的承诺；1939年，德国违反《慕尼黑协定》，入侵捷克斯洛伐克，在国际社会引起巨大反响，罗斯福总统冲破国内孤立主义情绪，直接以美国总统的名义向德国元首希特勒和意大利元首墨索里尼发送警告信，并在信中列举了31国名单，要求两国元首承诺永不侵略名单上的国家，德意元首不以为然，希特勒甚至公开在一次演讲中背诵31国名单来嘲讽罗斯福总统；1939年9月，德国入侵了波兰，英法随即对德国宣战，第二次世界大战爆发，罗斯福宣布美国在二战中保持中立；随后，罗斯福总统推动修改了《中立法案》，允许以“先购自运”的方式向交战国出售武器，由于英法掌握制海权，这一修订实际对同盟国有利；1940年，德国横扫欧洲，法国沦陷，英国危在旦夕，英国首相丘吉尔请求罗斯福总统向英国出售军舰，而罗斯福以“驱逐舰换基地”的方案，以50艘驱逐舰换得英国在大西洋上的基地；在不列颠空战中，美国还向英国派遣了志愿飞行中队，援助英国抵抗德国的入侵，美国在战争爆发以来的种种举动引起了德国的强烈不满，但德国仍旧拒绝与美国爆发正面冲突；1940年9月，日本入侵法属中南半岛，维希法国政府迫于纳粹德国的压力，被迫接受了日本占领中南半岛的事实，然而日本对东南亚的扩张很快引起了美国、英国和荷属东印度的高度警惕，三国遂联合对日本实施禁运，美国中止向日本出口一切石油和废铁，导致美日关系急剧恶化，如若日本无法解决石油钢铁的问题，便无力进行持久战争，其对中国发动的侵略战争必定以失败告终；1940年年底，罗斯福总统宣布，美国要成为“民主国家的兵工厂”。
1941年1月，罗斯福总统的第二个任期结束。
Let us never forget that government is ourselves and not an alien power over us. The ultimate rulers of our democracy are not a President and Senators and Congressmen and Government officials but the voters of this country. —— Franklin D. Roosevelt
不要忘记政府就是我们自身，政府不是统治我们的外部力量。我们民主国家至高无上的统治者不是总统和议员，也不是国会和政府，而是这个国家里给他们投票的广大人民。 —— 富兰克林·D·罗斯福
When four years ago we met to inaugurate a President, the Republic, single-minded in anxiety, stood in spirit here. We dedicated ourselves to the fulfillment of a vision--to speed the time when there would be for all the people that security and peace essential to the pursuit of happiness. We of the Republic pledged ourselves to drive from the temple of our ancient faith those who had profaned it; to end by action, tireless and unafraid, the stagnation and despair of that day. We did those first things first.
四年前，我们汇聚于总统就职典礼，当时我们的共和国心急如焚，迫切地期待拯救。我们致力于实现一个伟大理想——加速为全体人民带来安定与和平，保障他们追求幸福的权利。我们共和国的子民曾发誓，要把亵渎我们悠久信念之人驱逐出共和国圣殿；并不辞辛劳、无所畏惧地以实际行动粉碎当时的经济萧条与绝望心境。而我们第一步，便解决了这些当务之急。
Our covenant with ourselves did not stop there. Instinctively we recognized a deeper need--the need to find through government the instrument of our united purpose to solve for the individual the ever-rising problems of a complex civilization. Repeated attempts at their solution without the aid of government had left us baffled and bewildered. For, without that aid, we had been unable to create those moral controls over the services of science which are necessary to make science a useful servant instead of a ruthless master of mankind. To do this we knew that we must find practical controls over blind economic forces and blindly selfish men.
我们的誓言并未止步于此。我们本能地意识到了更深层次的需求——通过政府实现我们的共同目标，并帮助每个人解决我们复杂文明不断产生的问题。此前我们尝试脱离政府的帮助来独自解决这些问题，但却屡屡碰壁，一筹莫展。因为缺少了政府的帮助，我们就无法对科学的利用加以道德限制；如果希望科学成为造福于人类的仆从，而不是掌控人类的无情统治者，那么这些道德限制必不可少。为此，我们必须盲目的经济活动与自私自利之人加以实际管控。
We of the Republic sensed the truth that democratic government has innate capacity to protect its people against disasters once considered inevitable, to solve problems once considered unsolvable. We would not admit that we could not find a way to master economic epidemics just as, after centuries of fatalistic suffering, we had found a way to master epidemics of disease. We refused to leave the problems of our common welfare to be solved by the winds of chance and the hurricanes of disaster.
我们共和国的子民认识到了真理：民主政府天生就有能力保护人民，可以阻止曾一度被认为无法避免的灾难发生，可以解决掉曾一度被认为不可能解决的问题。我们不会承认，人类找不到控制这场经济疫病的方法，就如同过去的几千年里，我们曾听天由命地被瘟疫摧残，最后仍找到了控制瘟疫的方法一样。我们绝不相信，美国的共同繁荣事业，不由我们只由天。
In this we Americans were discovering no wholly new truth; we were writing a new chapter in our book of self-government.
在这方面，我们美国人并不是发现了什么全新的真理；我们只是为美国的民主史册，写下了新一页篇章。
This year marks the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the Constitutional Convention which made us a nation. At that Convention our forefathers found the way out of the chaos which followed the Revolutionary War; they created a strong government with powers of united action sufficient then and now to solve problems utterly beyond individual or local solution. A century and a half ago they established the Federal Government in order to promote the general welfare and secure the blessings of liberty to the American people.
今年是制宪会议召开的第150周年，是制宪会议让我们成为了一个国家。制宪会议上，我们的祖辈走出了独立战争之后的混乱；他们设立了一个强大的政府，有能力团结全国力量采取行动，能够处理掉个人或地区根本无法解决的问题。150年前，祖辈们成立了联邦政府，以促进美国人民的共同福祉，并捍卫美国人民的自由。
Today we invoke those same powers of government to achieve the same objectives.
今天，我们同样要运用政府的力来实现同样的目标。
Four years of new experience have not belied our historic instinct. They hold out the clear hope that government within communities, government within the separate States, and government of the United States can do the things the times require, without yielding its democracy. Our tasks in the last four years did not force democracy to take a holiday.
这4年来，我们得到了许多新经验，但这不能覆盖我们的历史传统。人民明确要求，各州各地政府和美国联邦政府要在不放弃民主制度的前提下，完成我们的时代任务。我们过去4年的任务，也并未迫使民主制度“休假”。
Nearly all of us recognize that as intricacies of human relationships increase, so power to govern them also must increase--power to stop evil; power to do good. The essential democracy of our Nation and the safety of our people depend not upon the absence of power, but upon lodging it with those whom the people can change or continue at stated intervals through an honest and free system of elections. The Constitution of 1787 did not make our democracy impotent.
我们几乎一致认识到，随着人类关系日益复杂，支配这一关系的权力必须也有所增强——使用这一权力惩恶扬善。要捍卫我国的基本民主制度和广大人民安全，需要的并不是瓦解权力，而是让人民可以通过自由真实的选举制度，将权力交给自己信任的人，并定期决定延长或收回这些权力。1787年宪法没有导致我们的民主制度软弱无力。
In fact, in these last four years, we have made the exercise of all power more democratic; for we have begun to bring private autocratic powers into their proper subordination to the public's government. The legend that they were invincible--above and beyond the processes of a democracy--has been shattered. They have been challenged and beaten.
实际上，在过去4年中，我们对一切权力的行使都更加民主；因为我们已经开始将个人独断的权力屈从于人民政府。独断权力不可战胜——能够凌驾于民主制度之上，逍遥于民主制度法外的神话已经被粉碎。独断权力受到了我们的挑战，而且被我们打败。
Our progress out of the depression is obvious. But that is not all that you and I mean by the new order of things. Our pledge was not merely to do a patchwork job with secondhand materials. By using the new materials of social justice we have undertaken to erect on the old foundations a more enduring structure for the better use of future generations.
我们为摆脱大萧条的工作，取得了有目共睹的进展。但这还远并非你我所展望的新秩序全貌。我们的誓约，可不是简单地用旧材料对社会进行小修小补。而是利用我们打造的社会公正这一新材料，在社会旧结构上打造一个更加坚固的、更能惠及我们子孙后代的结构。
In that purpose we have been helped by achievements of mind and spirit. Old truths have been relearned; untruths have been unlearned. We have always known that heedless self-interest was bad morals; we know now that it is bad economics. Out of the collapse of a prosperity whose builders boasted their practicality has come the conviction that in the long run economic morality pays. We are beginning to wipe out the line that divides the practical from the ideal; and in so doing we are fashioning an instrument of unimagined power for the establishment of a morally better world.
为此，我们借助了思想和精神上取得的成就。我们重温古老的真理，抛弃虚假的谬误。我们一直都知道，肆无忌惮的利己主义是不道德的；现在我们还知道了，这种利己主义还不利于经济发展。经济繁荣的建设者曾经吹嘘这一盛世符合实际，但随着繁荣的破灭，人们愈加坚信，从长远来看，经济道德能够造福人类。我们正在跨越理想与现实之间的鸿沟；这样一来，我们就为建立一个更加道德的世界，制造了一件力大无比的工具。
This new understanding undermines the old admiration of worldly success as such. We are beginning to abandon our tolerance of the abuse of power by those who betray for profit the elementary decencies of life.
这一崭新认知加持下，我们打破了过去以追名逐利为荣的传统观念。我们开始不再容忍滥用职权之徒，为利益而抛弃基本生活准则之辈。
In this process evil things formerly accepted will not be so easily condoned. Hard-headedness will not so easily excuse hardheartedness. We are moving toward an era of good feeling. But we realize that there can be no era of good feeling save among men of good will.
在这一过程中，我们不会继续纵容曾经默许的歪风邪气。理智头脑不会再原谅铁石心肠。我们正在共同迈向一个善良友好的时代。但是我们要知道，只有善良友好的人多了，才能出现善良友好的时代。
For these reasons I am justified in believing that the greatest change we have witnessed has been the change in the moral climate of America.
因此，我有理由相信，我们见证的最大不同，便是美国人道德氛围的改变。
Among men of good will, science and democracy together offer an ever-richer life and ever-larger satisfaction to the individual. With this change in our moral climate and our rediscovered ability to improve our economic order, we have set our feet upon the road of enduring progress.
在善良的人之间，科学和民主会让每个人的生活日益富有满足。随着美国道德氛围的改善，加之我们再次掌握了重塑经济秩序的能力，我们已然踏上长期进步之路。
Shall we pause now and turn our back upon the road that lies ahead? Shall we call this the promised land? Or, shall we continue on our way? For "each age is a dream that is dying, or one that is coming to birth."
我们现在要停下来，同与这一前进的道路背道而驰吗？我们现在已经心满意足，觉得美国已经可以称为“应许之地”了吗？或者，我们是不是应该继续前进？因为“每一个时代都是一场梦，或在破灭，或在新生”。
Many voices are heard as we face a great decision. Comfort says, "Tarry a while." Opportunism says, "This is a good spot." Timidity asks, "How difficult is the road ahead?"
每次我们面临重大抉择时，总会听说许多声音。安于现状者说，“再休息一会儿吧。”投机钻营者说，“机不可失，失不再来。”胆小怯懦者问，“前方的路是不是很艰难？”
True, we have come far from the days of stagnation and despair. Vitality has been preserved. Courage and confidence have been restored. Mental and moral horizons have been extended.
是的，我们的确已经走出了那个萧条绝望的时代。我们维持了活力。恢复了勇气与信心。我们的精神和道德都提升了一个境界。
But our present gains were won under the pressure of more than ordinary circumstances. Advance became imperative under the goad of fear and suffering. The times were on the side of progress.
但是，我们当前的成就是在超乎寻常的高压下取得的。是在受恐惧和痛苦鞭打时，所做出的迫不得已的前进。那一时代推动着我们向前。
To hold to progress today, however, is more difficult. Dulled conscience, irresponsibility, and ruthless self-interest already reappear. Such symptoms of prosperity may become portents of disaster! Prosperity already tests the persistence of our progressive purpose.
但现在，想要继续保持这种进步速度就要困难多了。麻木不仁、逃避责任和冷酷无情的利己主义已经卷土重来。随着繁荣再现，这些症状也再次一同涌现，预示着可能到来的灾难！现在的繁荣，已经开始考验我们是否具有持久进步的决心了。
Let us ask again: Have we reached the goal of our vision of that fourth day of March 1933? Have we found our happy valley?
我们再次拟心自问：我们已经达到自己在1933年3月4日那天展望的宏大目标了吗？我们已经找到幸福之谷了吗？
I see a great nation, upon a great continent, blessed with a great wealth of natural resources. Its hundred and thirty million people are at peace among themselves; they are making their country a good neighbor among the nations. I see a United States which can demonstrate that, under democratic methods of government, national wealth can be translated into a spreading volume of human comforts hitherto unknown, and the lowest standard of living can be raised far above the level of mere subsistence.
我看到一个伟大的国家，地处一片辽阔的大陆，天赐丰富的自然资源。该国的1.3亿子民和谐共处；并努力将该国打造为他国的睦邻。我看到了我们的合众国，她证明了民主制度治下，国家财富可用以与日俱进、前所未有地造福人民生活，使得我国人民的最低生活水平也不至于仅能苟活。
But here is the challenge to our democracy: In this nation I see tens of millions of its citizens--a substantial part of its whole population--who at this very moment are denied the greater part of what the very lowest standards of today call the necessities of life.
但我们的民主制度也面临着挑战：在我国，我看到了数千万公民——我国人口的一大部分——此刻得不到最低生活标准所应有的多数生活必需品。
I see millions of families trying to live on incomes so meager that the pall of family disaster hangs over them day by day.
我看到了数百万家庭仅以微薄的收入糊口度日，每日生活在家庭灾难的阴影之下。
I see millions whose daily lives in city and on farm continue under conditions labeled indecent by a so-called polite society half a century ago.
我看到数百万城乡居民，他们的生活状态，用半个世纪前所谓“上流社会”的话说，犹如牲畜一般。
I see millions denied education, recreation, and the opportunity to better their lot and the lot of their children.
我看到数百万人民无法享有教育和娱乐，毫无为自己和子女逆天改命的机会。
I see millions lacking the means to buy the products of farm and factory and by their poverty denying work and productiveness to many other millions.
我看到数百万人民无力购买农产品和工业品，而他们的贫困又进而导致其他成百上千万人无法投入工作和生产。
I see one-third of a nation ill-housed, ill-clad, ill-nourished.
我看到我国有三分之一的人，身居陋室，衣不蔽体，食不果腹。
It is not in despair that I paint you that picture. I paint it for you in hope--because the Nation, seeing and understanding the injustice in it, proposes to paint it out. We are determined to make every American citizen the subject of his country's interest and concern; and we will never regard any faithful law-abiding group within our borders as superfluous. The test of our progress is not whether we add more to the abundance of those who have much; it is whether we provide enough for those who have too little.
我向大家描述这一景象，并非是深陷绝望。反而是满怀希望——因为全国都看到了并意识到了这种不公正的景象，才会着手消除这一情况。我们决心让每一位美国公民都得到国家的利惠和关切；我们绝不会将美国境内任何爱国守法的团体视为多余。经验我们是否进步的标准，不是看我们是否为富人锦上添花；而是看我们能否为无产者丰衣足食。
If I know aught of the spirit and purpose of our Nation, we will not listen to Comfort, Opportunism, and Timidity. We will carry on.
如果我对美国的精神和目标的理解无误的话，那美国人民一定不会听信安于现状者、投机钻营者和胆小怯懦者的阻挠。我们要继续前进。
Overwhelmingly, we of the Republic are men and women of good will; men and women who have more than warm hearts of dedication; men and women who have cool heads and willing hands of practical purpose as well. They will insist that every agency of popular government use effective instruments to carry out their will.
我们共和国的绝大多数男女都是善良的人；他们不仅拥有乐于奉献的赤子之心；还拥有实现国家目标所需的勤劳双手和冷静头脑。美国人民会要求我们民主政府的所有部门机构去执行他们的意愿。只有全体人民选举出
Government is competent when all who compose it work as trustees for the whole people. It can make constant progress when it keeps abreast of all the facts. It can obtain justified support and legitimate criticism when the people receive true information of all that government does.
只有受到全体人民寄信的所有政府官员都投入工作，政府才称得上称职。政府只有时刻掌握实际情况，才能不断前进。只有全体人民可以得知政府作为的真实信心，政府才能真正得到人民的支持和适当的批评。
If I know aught of the will of our people, they will demand that these conditions of effective government shall be created and maintained. They will demand a nation uncorrupted by cancers of injustice and, therefore, strong among the nations in its example of the will to peace.
如果我对美国人民的意愿理解无误的话，那么在建成了高效政府后，人民还会要求维系住建成该政府的一切条件。人民要求政府建设一个革除不公弊病的国家，而且要在捍卫和平方面为世界各国树立起坚强的榜样。
Today we reconsecrate our country to long-cherished ideals in a suddenly changed civilization. In every land there are always at work forces that drive men apart and forces that draw men together. In our personal ambitions we are individualists. But in our seeking for economic and political progress as a nation, we all go up, or else we all go down, as one people.
今天，在这个风云骤变的文明世界上，我们国家将再一次献身长久追求的理想。世界各地历来存在着一种使人或分或合的力量。就我们的个人抱负来论，我们是个人主义者。但是，在我们作为一个国家，追求经济和政治进步时，我们是一个民族整体，我们同进共退。
To maintain a democracy of effort requires a vast amount of patience in dealing with differing methods, a vast amount of humility. But out of the confusion of many voices rises an understanding of dominant public need. Then political leadership can voice common ideals, and aid in their realization.
要维持民主的力量，就需要极大的耐心和不俗的气度来解决模式分歧。但是我们可以从不同声音中，了解到最广大人民的需求。进而，政治领导人便可规划出人民的共同理想，并将其付诸实践。
In taking again the oath of office as President of the United States, I assume the solemn obligation of leading the American people forward along the road over which they have chosen to advance.
再次宣誓就任美国总统之际，我会承担起领导美国人民，向人民选定的道路上不断前进的职责。
While this duty rests upon me I shall do my utmost to speak their purpose and to do their will, seeking Divine guidance to help us each and every one to give light to them that sit in darkness and to guide our feet into the way of peace.
任职总统期间，我会竭尽所能为人民发声、按照人民的意愿做事，并寻求上帝的引导，帮助我们将光明带给身陷黑暗之人，沿着和平之路不断前进
声明：本人仅按照原文翻译内容，演讲内容不代表本人观点。此专栏仅供历史和英语交流学习使用，任何读者皆可引用本人的译本。
希望来学习英语的观众明白：我觉得这些专栏的主要精华在于英语原文，而并非我的译本，我的译本很大程度上只是供来学习历史的观众使用的。本人的英语水平一般，翻译得并不会多么精彩，只能在你看不懂时来帮助你了解这些演讲内容最基本的意思，而且翻译时难免会出现差错，切勿直接完全以我的译本为标准。如发现有翻译错误或者歧义内容，欢迎指正。
希望来学习历史的观众明白：任何历史人物都有一定的局限性，随着时代发展，很多观点看法可能已经不再适用今天的世界，西方的观点也不一定适用于我们。通过了解这些演讲，仅可给我们提供一个更全面了解过去和世界的渠道。我们可以从优秀的历史、当代人物身上学到很多，但是请保持独立思考，理性看待演讲内容，切勿全信或将其奉为真理。
