（书籍翻译）第四次十字军东征 1202–04： 对拜占庭的背叛（一）
上一系列
这次翻译的是大卫·C·尼科尔学者的《THE FOURTH CRUSADE 1202–04：The Betrayal of Byzantium》。David C. Nicolle（生于 1944 年 4 月 4 日）是一位英国历史学家，专门研究中世纪的军事史，对中东特别感兴趣。David Nicolle 在伦敦大学 SOAS获得硕士学位之前，曾在BBC Arabic工作。他于 1982 年在爱丁堡大学获得博士学位。他的博士学位的题目是古典伊斯兰教的军事技术。他在约旦耶尔穆克大学讲授世界和伊斯兰艺术与建筑。他也是中世纪历史杂志的编辑委员会成员。
ORIGINS OF THE CAMPAIGN
征伐的起源
If the crusades have become controversial, the Fourth Crusade always was so. Until modern times the idea of Christians and Muslims slaughtering each other in the name of religion seemed almost acceptable, but the idea of Latin Catholic Crusaders turning against fellow Christians of the Orthodox Church shocked many people, even at the time, and came to be described as ‘The Great Betrayal’. It was even blamed for so undermining the Greek-speaking Byzantine state that this relic of the ancient Roman Empire succumbed to the Ottoman Turks. In reality the Fourth Crusade was not that straightforward; nor was its aftermath inevitable.
如果说十字军东征已经引起了争议，那么第四次十字军东征始终如此。 直到现代，基督徒和穆斯林以宗教的名义互相can sha（汉语拼音）的想法似乎几乎可以接受，但拉丁天主教十字军转而对付东正教ji du tu（汉语拼音）同胞的想法震惊了许多人，甚至在当时也震惊了许多人，并开始被描述为“大背叛”。 它甚至被指责如此破坏讲希腊语的拜占庭国家，使这个古罗马帝国的遗迹屈服于奥斯曼土耳其人。 实际上，第四次十字军东征并不那么简单。 它的后果也不是不可避免的。
The Fourth Crusade was a consequence of the deeply disappointing though gratifyingly heroic Third Crusade, which had failed to regain the Holy City of Jerusalem from Saladin. On 8 January 1198 a new pope, the hugely ambitious Innocent III, took the reins of power in Rome. In August he proclaimed a new crusade, the declared purpose of which was to liberate Jerusalem from the ‘infidel’ by invading Egypt, the chief centre of Muslim power in the eastern Mediterranean. It was also the most important sultanate in the Ayyubid Empire founded by Saladin. Those who dreamed of destroying the Islamic Middle East had now recognized that Egypt was the key, but if their strategy was correct then their planning was not. The realities of power, money, climate and the availability of food to sustain a crusading army would cause the greater part of the Fourth Crusade to be diverted against fellow Christians. Its first victim would be the largely Latin city of Zadar (then called Zara); the second would be Constantinople, capital of the Byzantine Empire and the biggest, wealthiest and most cultured city in Christendom.
第四次十字军东征是第三次十字军东征的结果，虽然第三次十字军东征的英勇表现令人欣慰，但它未能从萨拉丁手中夺回圣城耶路撒冷，这令人深感失望。1198年1月8日，一位新教皇，雄心勃勃的英诺森三世，在罗马掌权了。8月，他宣布了新的十字军东征计划，其宣称其目的是通过入侵埃及从 "异教徒"手中解放耶路撒冷，埃及是穆斯林在东地中海的主要权力中心。它也是萨拉丁建立的阿尤布帝国中最重要的苏丹国。那些梦想摧毁伊斯兰中东的人现在已经认识到埃及是关键，但如果他们的战略是正确的，那么他们的计划就不正确了。权力、金钱、气候和维持十字军的食物供应等现实问题将导致第四次十字军东征的大部分时间被转用于对付基督教徒。它的第一个受害者是主要由拉丁人组成的城市扎达尔（当时叫扎拉）；第二个受害者是君士坦丁堡，拜占庭帝国的首都，基督教世界中最大、最富有和最有文化的城市。
BYZANTIUM AND ITS NEIGHBOURS
拜占庭及其邻居
Relations Between the Orthodox Byzantine Empire and its Latin neighbours had been close but complex for centuries. However, the differences that seem obvious today were not necessarily seen that way at the time. Nor was the Byzantine Empire necessarily a declining power in need of Western help. Under the 12th-century Comnenid dynasty Byzantium appeared a powerful state bent on regaining territory from its Muslim eastern neighbours and from its Christian neighbours in the Balkans, Italy and even central Europe. Meanwhile, in Western Europe a remarkable economic revolution had already started more than a century earlier, yet it was still somewhat backward, warlike and aggressive. One area where Western superiority was already established was at sea, most of the Mediterranean now being dominated by Italian sailors and merchants. Amalfi had been first on the scene and its people had their own distinct quarter in Constantinople, where the Greeks regarded these Amalfitans as being almost as civilized as themselves. Following close behind, and already more powerful than Amalfi, were the merchant republics of Pisa, Genoa and Venice. The former two had a reputation for ferocity, often directed against each other, while the Venetians were theoretically still subjects of the Byzantine Empire, and would remain so until 1204.
几个世纪以来，东正教拜占庭帝国与其拉丁邻国之间的关系密切而复杂。然而，今天看起来很明显的差异在当时并不一定是这样的。拜占庭帝国也不一定是一个需要西方帮助的衰落大国。在 12 世纪的康涅狄格王朝时期，拜占庭是一个强大的国家，它一心想要从其东部穆斯林邻国和巴尔干半岛、意大利甚至中欧的基督教邻国手中夺回领土。与此同时，在西欧，一场引人注目的经济革命早在一个多世纪前就已经开始了，但它仍然有些落后，极具好战和侵略性。西方优势已经确立的一个领域是海上，地中海的大部分地区现在被意大利水手和商人所控制。阿马尔菲首先出现，其人民在君士坦丁堡拥有自己独特的区域，希腊人认为这些阿马尔菲人拥有几乎和他们自己一样的文明。紧随其后，比阿马尔菲更强大的是比萨、热那亚和威尼斯的商业共和国。前两者以凶猛著称，经常互相攻击，而威尼斯人在理论上仍然是拜占庭帝国的臣民，直到 1204 年也是如此。
Most crusades to the Middle East already relied upon naval power. However, the Fourth Crusade was an entirely maritime expedition, which cannot be understood without some appreciation of early 13th-century Mediterranean nautical knowledge. This was more advanced than is generally realized, the sailors possessing geographical knowledge that would not be written down for centuries. For example, there is strong evidence that simple forms of portolano coastal maps were used at a time when the famous medieval mappe mundi made by monks offered fanciful and entirely useless images of the known world. It is thus highly unlikely that popes and other rulers failed to use such information when planning major military expeditions overseas. On the other hand the merchants, sailors and governments involved in supposedly illegal trade with Islamic powers preferred to remain discreet.
大多数前往中东的十字军已经开始依靠海军力量。 然而，第四次十字军东征完全是一次海上远征，如果不了解 13 世纪早期的地中海航海知识，就无法理解这一点。 这比人们普遍认为的要先进，水手们掌握的地理知识是几个世纪都不会被记录下来的。 例如，有强有力的证据表明，当时使用的是简单形式的Portolano沿海地图，而由僧侣制作的著名的中世纪mappe mundi提供的是幻想的、完全无用的已知世界的图像。 因此，教皇和其他统治者在计划海外重大军事远征时极不可能没有使用这些信息。 另一方面，参与与伊斯兰国家进行所谓的非法贸易的商人、水手和政府更愿意保持谨慎。
In contrast there was an extraordinary amount of misinformation in Western Europe that exaggerated, though did not entirely invent, the friendly relations Between later 12th-century Byzantine emperors and Saladin or his successors. To this were added lurid stories about the supposed weakness, effeminacy and corruption of the ‘Greeks’, which reflected the undoubtedly sophisticated and often unwarlike character of the Byzantine ruling elite.
相比之下，西欧存在大量错误信息，虽然并未完全捏造，但夸大了 12 世纪后期拜占庭皇帝与萨拉丁或其继任者之间的友好关系。 除此之外，还有一些关于 "希腊人 "的所谓弱点、娘娘腔和腐败的淫秽故事，这些故事反映了拜占庭统治精英们无疑是老练的，而且往往是不善于作战的性格。
Alongside these negative images of Byzantium there was a dream of Latin– Byzantine cooperation against the ‘infidel’, which had existed for centuries. The ideal appeared in a later 12th-century version in chansons de geste epic poems such as Girart de Roussillon, although here Constantinople is a distant and strange place. Another manifestation is found in the 13th-century Chanson du Pèlerinage de Charlemagne, which was probably based upon a lost 12th-century or late 11th-century original. Constantinople is again portrayed as an almost magical city, perhaps reflecting fear of Byzantine technology and science.
除了这些拜占庭的负面形象之外，还有一个存在了几个世纪的拉丁语-拜占庭合作对抗 "异教徒 "的梦想。这个理想在12世纪后期出现在Chansons de geste史诗中，如Girart de Roussillon，尽管在这里君士坦丁堡是一个遥远而陌生的地方。另一种表现形式出现在13世纪的《查理曼的香颂》中，它可能是基于12世纪或11世纪晚期失传的原作。君士坦丁堡再次被描绘成一个几乎神奇的城市，也许反映了对拜占庭技术和科学的恐惧。
A period of relative peace and stability had followed Saladin’s death in 1193, with both the rump Kingdom of Jerusalem and Saladin’s Ayyubid successors seemingly convinced that little was to be gained from further warfare. Early in 1200, however, the political and military situation changed dramatically when Saladin’s younger brother al- ‘Adil Sayf al-Din (‘Saphadin’ to the Crusaders), who already ruled Damascus, Jerusalem and parts of the Jazira (Mesopotamia), also took control of Egypt. As a result, he was generally, if not universally, recognized as head of the ‘Ayyubid Empire’. Al- ‘Adil’s position was confirmed when, two years later, he was also recognized as overlord in Aleppo. For the first time in nine years Saladin’s realm was reunited and again virtually surrounded what remained of the Crusader states.
萨拉丁于 1193 年去世后，一段相对和平与稳定的时期出现了，耶路撒冷的残余王国和萨拉丁的阿尤布德继承者似乎都相信，进一步的战争收效甚微。 然而，在 1200 年初，政治和军事局势发生了巨大变化，当时萨拉丁的弟弟阿迪尔·赛义夫·阿尔丁（十字军的“萨帕丁”）已经统治了大马士革、耶路撒冷和贾济拉（美索不达米亚）的部分地区。 他也控制了埃及。因此，他被普遍承认为 "阿尤布帝国 "的首领，如果不是普遍的话。阿迪勒的地位得到了确认，两年后，他也被承认为阿勒颇的霸主。九年来，萨拉丁的王国第一次重新统一起来，并再次几乎包围了十字军国家的剩余部分。
Another significant player in this region was the Saljuq Turkish Sultanate of Rum (Rome), which was how Arabs, Turks and Persians knew the ‘Late Roman’ or Byzantine Empire. Unfortunately, there is still a great deal of uncertainty about quite where the frontier zone lay Between the Byzantine Empire and the Saljuq Sultanate of Rum around the time of the Fourth Crusade. For example, Lycia in south-western Anatolia had been a sort of no man’s land since the late 11th century. Meanwhile, the Saljuq Sultanate itself was going through a period of profound cultural, economic and military change, with many Saljuq Turkish cities being characterized by a thriving multicultural civilization incorporating Turkish, Greek and Armenian, Muslim and Christian elements. The overall impression of cultural coexistence also undermines the clarity of a supposed cultural frontier Between Byzantium and the Turks.
这个地区的另一个重要角色是鲁姆（罗马）的萨尔朱克土耳其苏丹国，这就是阿拉伯人、土耳其人和波斯人对 "晚期罗马 "或拜占庭帝国的认识。遗憾的是，在第四次十字军东征前后，拜占庭帝国和鲁姆的萨尔朱克苏丹国之间的边界地带仍有很大的不确定性。例如，安纳托利亚西南部的利西亚自11世纪末以来一直是一种无人区。同时，萨尔朱克苏丹国本身正在经历一个深刻的文化、经济和军事变革时期，许多萨尔朱克土耳其城市的特点是融合了土耳其、希腊和亚美尼亚、穆斯林和基督教元素的繁荣的多文化文明。文化共存的总体印象也破坏了拜占庭和土耳其人之间所谓的文化边界的明确性。
Political tensions within the Saljuq Sultanate of Rum resulted from Sultan Qilij Arslan II dividing his realm into iqtas (fiefs) for his eight sons in accordance with Saljuq tradition. After his death in 1192, the Sultanate suffered from a long civil war caused by Rukn al-Din Sulayman II Ibn Qilij Arslan stripping his brothers of their domains. One of the latter was Ghiyath al-Din Kaykhusraw, who took refuge in Constantinople where he married a woman from a powerful Byzantine family.
鲁姆苏丹国的政治紧张局势是由于苏丹齐里吉-阿尔斯兰二世按照苏丹的传统将他的领地划分为八个儿子的iqtas（封地）。1192年他去世后，苏丹国遭受了长期的内战，原因是鲁克恩-丁-苏莱曼二世-伊本-齐里吉-阿尔斯兰剥夺了他兄弟的领地。后者之一是Ghiyath al-Din Kaykhusraw，他在君士坦丁堡避难，在那里他娶了一个来自拜占庭强大家族的女人。
The situation was similarly complex in Europe where, for example, rivalry Between the Italian maritime republics had been fierce for centuries. Yet any successful crusade to the Middle East would depend upon support from at least one of them. Furthermore, their rivalry concerned their relationships with the Byzantine Empire. Genoa and Pisa were often at war during this period, but Byzantium gave trading privileges to both in an attempt to avoid a Venetian preponderance in Byzantine trade. The Fourth Crusade would, in fact, see Pisan and Genoese residents of Constantinople fighting alongside their Byzantine neighbours in defence of the city against Venetians and Crusaders.
欧洲的情况也同样复杂，例如，几个世纪以来，意大利各海上共和国之间的竞争一直很激烈。然而，对中东的任何成功的十字军东征都将取决于其中至少一个国家的支持。此外，他们的竞争关系到他们与拜占庭帝国的关系。热那亚和比萨在这一时期经常交战，但拜占庭给了这两个国家贸易特权，试图避免威尼斯人在拜占庭贸易中占优势。事实上，在第四次十字军东征中，君士坦丁堡的皮萨和热那亚居民与他们的拜占庭邻居并肩作战，保卫城市，对抗威尼斯人和十字军。
Another significant power within Italy was, of course, the papacy itself. Pope Innocent III has been described as one of the great figures in papal history. He was certainly one of the most ambitious popes, though in the end his wide-ranging plans often came to nothing or even proved counterproductive. Innocent III’s dream of a great new crusade certainly backfired.
意大利国内的另一个重要力量当然是教皇制度本身。教皇英诺森三世被描述为教皇历史上的伟大人物之一。他当然是最有野心的教皇之一，尽管最后他的广泛计划往往一无所获，甚至被证明是适得其反。英诺森三世的伟大的新十字军东征梦想当然会适得其反。
1198年和1199年，福尔克-德-诺伊伊在宣扬这次新的远征中被赋予了一个领导角色。不幸的是，福尔克如此痴迷于 "道德上的正直"，以至于他得罪了几个需要作为潜在领导者的统治者和有权势的贵族，包括英格兰国王理查德一世。此外，福尔克缺乏策略，破坏了他调和争吵不休（但在军事上很重要）的英格兰和法国王国的努力。教皇不可能控制自己的十字军传教士，这无疑导致了混乱。这是否导致最终的远征缺乏主要目标，我们无从得知。
未完待续！
